It is my distinct pleasure to greet you all to the fourth Ambassadors' Conference of the Serbian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

To our distinguished guest from the Slovak Republic, my dear friend Mikuláš, a very warm welcome. I'm so glad that the very architect of that country's ‘Serbia Policy' is here with us today. I want to make use of this opportunity to say how profoundly grateful we are to Slovakia for its unwavering support on all fronts.

I would also like to extend a heartfelt welcome to the diplomatic corps. I look forward to engaging with you further in 2011, as we work to deepen our relationships around the world on the basis of mutual interest and respect.

Lastly, to the ambassadors of the Republic of Serbia abroad, and to our Belgrade-based diplomats-I extend a message of sincere appreciation. I wholeheartedly thank you for your continuing sacrifice and hard work.

Excellencies,

This year will mark the 200th anniversary of the establishment of the Serbian diplomatic service: in 1811, the leader of our First Uprising, Karadjordje, appointed Serbia's inaugural Councilor-or popečitelj-for foreign affairs. A little over a year later, the Uprising gained international legitimacy for the first time. Our diplomats were involved in the talks resulting in the 1812 Treaty of Bucharest, which opened the door for the return of our nation to the European mainstream.

After Serbia was again recognized as a fully sovereign state at the Congress of Berlin, national architects in the tradition of Jovan Ristić and Stojan Novaković led the way in deepening Serbia's relations with the European capitals. Then came the great victory of the First World War, for which our nation paid so much in blood and treasure. Diplomats such as Jovan Dučić and Ivo Andrić worked hard to strengthen the foundations of the nascent South Slavic state.

The defeat of fascism in the Second World War, which came at horrendous cost to the Serbian people, heralded the beginning of the golden age of our diplomacy. Thanks in large part to the dedicated efforts of Koča Popović-as well as his two most notable successors, Marko Nikezić and Mirko Tepavac-we prudently positioned ourselves in 1945 so as to benefit from the geostrategic changes brought on by the birth of a new era. It produced great advantages for our country, as we played a disproportionately prominent role on the global stage throughout much of the Cold War.

As it came to an end, so did our high standing in the world. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 came to symbolize the start of another new era in global politics. But throughout the Balkans, 1989 represented first and foremost a missed opportunity, leading to a great tragedy.

In 1945, the international circumstances were properly assessed, and right choices were made. In 1989, one the other hand, the circumstances were misjudged, and wrong choices were made. In both instances, the consequences of our actions were deeply felt by the entire nation for years to come.

Excellencies,

Today, the world faces another time of great transformation-a global paradigm shift in many ways comparable to 1945 and 1989. We are working very hard to avoid repeating the basic mistake of 1989, namely to think one can ignore fundamental changes in international politics without consequence.

Just as when the tectonic plates shifted on previous occasions, a successful foreign policy in our era will again depend on the ability to accommodate change. Such an approach must take special care to avoid adversarial resistance, which is both futile and dangerous-but also fatalistic surrender, which is tantamount to relinquishing control over one's own national interests.

Yet the exact nature, depth and scope of the change are difficult to grasp. For decades, there was one great dividing line, and it ran through the center of the Old Continent. Then, for a few years, many came under the impression that there would be no lines any longer. Today, it appears that we are entering a time where we will witness a proliferation of them.

Across-the-board repositioning is taking place, as norms shift and rules get re-defined. What we are seeing is not just another generational reshuffling of the deck, but a drastic-and seemingly instantaneous-increase in the number of both cards and players.

This is happening in an environment in which complex challenges require input from established and arriving actors alike. The first-tier issues of our time have all become global in their essence-from energy security, economic instability and climate change, to nuclear safety, terrorism and organized crime. Each one of them will require a multilateral approach. Yet our existing multilateral institutions are no longer aligned with the actual distribution of power and influence.

Excellencies,

Under such circumstances, diplomacy has become more difficult to practice effectively. In straining times when pressure builds, some people begin to believe that the only safe course of action is to tactically retreat-so as to be better able to respond to events that one cannot influence anyway.

This may have been sustainable in the past, but not today. In the 21st century, isolation creates ample space for others to impose themselves on an inertial actor. Passivity limits options, while constraining their execution in ways that harm national interests. It relegates the country in question to being a mere object of the international system, instead of a valued participant in its transformation.

One thing is certain: he who does not step forward to engage with the events as they unfold will be trounced. Yet even he who does-who seeks to be an active participant-cannot take success for granted, if all he aims to do is to preserve the old ways. By trying to risk too little, one would in fact be risking too much.

The present circumstances dictate, therefore, that only a well-planned and carefully executed, vigorous foreign policy can contribute to a country's advancement in the global arena.

Excellencies,

Despite the complexity of the situation, we remain confident that President Boris Tadić's foreign policy vision will enable us to emerge from this inter-polar moment in a more advantageous position than the one we were in when the tumults began.

Serbia's foreign policy in 2011, therefore, will be one of continuity.

We will maintain our four basic priorities: one, working towards membership in the European Union; two, continuing to peacefully defend our constitutional order; three, consolidating regional stability and cooperation; and four, deepening our economic relationships across the globe.

Serbia will keep implementing these four priorities by enhancing bilateral ties throughout the world, which from our perspective is held up by four main pillars: Brussels, Moscow, Beijing, and Washington.

Excellencies,

Serbia's central strategic priority remains Europe. We have stayed this course under very difficult circumstances.

On January 31st, the Government will submit the completed questionnaire to the European Commission. During this year, Serbian diplomacy will focus its efforts on making sure three very important things occur: the ratification of the SAA by EU members that have not yet done so; the extension of official candidate status; and the announcement of a date for the beginning of accession talks.

Excellencies,

In the wake of the eurozone crisis, it has become difficult not to notice that the level of anxiety in many of the EU's member states has risen. As a result, even some of the Union's most successful policies are being questioned, such as enlargement.

Understandably, this has raised the level of concern in many quarters. But it has not affected Serbia's determination.

For us, ‘Europe' is not exclusively about membership in the Union; it is first and foremost about building a European society. One of its central components is justice-which includes making sure that individuals who committed war crimes are held accountable, irrespective of their ethnicity or their current occupation. We will continue to fully cooperate with the Hague Tribunal. But equally, we will demand a prompt, thorough and impartial criminal investigation regarding the serious allegations that are contained in the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly report, prepared by Senator Dick Marty of Switzerland, entitled "Inhuman Treatment of People and Illicit Trafficking in Human Organs in Kosovo."
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Building a European society is also about modernization and standards. We must reinvigorate the spirit of reform that sees responsibility, transparency, and accountability as indispensable to the long-term health of the nation.

Serbia will be a European society when it becomes possible to answer at least three basic questions in the affirmative. First, is this a country where the rule of law reigns supreme? Second, do we have the capacity for sustainable economic development? And third, can our public administration and judiciary effectively implement legislation and protect the rights of our citizens?

We will become a European society when the money made by big business stays in Serbia, and monopolies are regulated out of existence; when corruption in hospitals and courtrooms, schools and municipalities is no longer part of our reality; when our infrastructure meets 21st-century specifications.

Serbia will become a European society when everyone who wants to work can find a job that pays enough; when small- and medium-sized business owners can compete in the marketplace without having to cut corners; and when we start to produce and export goods that can fetch premium prices abroad.

Irrespective of the actual accession date, building a European society is the way for our country to prosper in peace and security, and to put our own house in order, once and for all.

Excellencies,

Another important foreign policy priority will be to carry on with diplomatic efforts to uphold our constitutional order. In 2010, we worked very hard to contain the effects of UDI-the unilateral declaration of independence by the ethnic-Albanian authorities of our southern province of Kosovo and Metohija.

In 2011, Serbia's principled position on UDI will remain the same. We will not recognize UDI, implicitly or explicitly. This is enshrined in our constitution, and is the product of a de facto public consensus-driven by a firm electoral majority.

Our Kosovo policy will continue to emphasize the necessity for reaching a strategic compromise. Diplomacy will keep standing at the forefront of our efforts to manage political differences.

We will have two main Kosovo-related tasks in 2011. The first centers on ensuring the number of UDI recognitions is contained, and that the authorities in Pristina are not unilaterally admitted into international organizations whose membership is the sole prerogative of sovereign states.

Before I proceed any further, allow me to extend a heartfelt acknowledgment of gratitude to the representatives of the vast majority of UN member States that honor Serbia's territorial integrity, and are helping us to fulfill the aforementioned task.
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Last year, in the wake of the International Court of Justice's status-neutral advisory opinion, the world supported by acclamation the fact that dialogue is the only road to peace in Kosovo. Our second Kosovo-related task will be to help maintain a healthy international environment within which this dialogue can take place.

It is critical that no impediments are placed on the road the stakeholders have agreed to take, and that the dialogue begins as soon as possible.

Everyone must stay committed to engage in good-faith-for in the 21st century, win-win solutions are impossible to reach with zero-sum attitudes.

Accordingly, any attempts to derail the dialogue by altering realities on the ground unilaterally-or by having recourse to the use of force-must not be tolerated. This includes trying to extend the reach of the Pristina-based institutions to North Kosovo against the will of the local population.

Should anything like this happen, the peace process may be dramatically, perhaps even fatally, undermined.
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No one should doubt our readiness to be constructive in working to forge a transformative peace between Serbs and Albanians. A frozen conflict is not our aim. In 2011, we shall continue to work incessantly on creating the conditions for forging a comprehensive settlement on Kosovo acceptable to all parties.

Excellencies,

I come to our third core foreign policy priority: the consolidation of stability and cooperation in the Balkans.

Let me begin by acknowledging the new level of trust and understanding that has taken hold of the region.

I believe we should celebrate the fact that relations have never been better. I also believe that in the years to come, regional cooperation will increasingly provide the most appropriate framework for how the remaining challenges we face in the Western Balkans can be overcome.

As a reminder of how rapidly things can progress, consider that not too long ago, Serbia was itself widely perceived to be the outstanding issue in this part of the world. This is no longer the case. Serbia has gone from being an issue to being an actor-an indispensable part of the answer to a number of regional questions.

One of these is reconciliation. In 2010, great strides were made in this regard. President Boris Tadić led by example. A few months ago, he traveled to Vukovar in Croatia-as he did to Srebrenica on the 15th anniversary of the massacre.

The President's efforts were also instrumental in ensuring that our National Assembly passed a historic Declaration on Srebrenica. The crime was unequivocally condemned, while condolences and apologies were extended. This act of parliament was unprecedented-not only for the Western Balkans, but for all of Europe, a continent whose long and bloody history has recorded many events requiring contrition.

Moreover, as a responsible stakeholder in Bosnia's future, we will continue to exercise our influence in a constructive way. We firmly believe that representatives of both entities and all three constituent peoples need to reach a consensus in order to ensure legitimacy and sustainability. This will require mutual respect, pragmatism and compromise.
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In 2011, Belgrade will be-symbolically speaking-the capital of regional cooperation. This year, we hope to lead the way in bringing our neighbors even closer together, as we assume the presidencies of three key regional organizations-the Central European Initiative, the Adriatic-Ionian Initiative, and the Southeast European Cooperation Process.

A common theme driving our chairmanship activities will be fighting organized crime-one of the darker sides of globalization.

We have declared total war on this transnational scourge. We have made it abundantly clear that we shall spare no effort to eliminate this threat to our security.

However, ultimate success cannot come without a much stronger and more coordinated effort by the entire region, for organized crime is like water: it spreads to where it finds least resistance. One such place is Kosovo, which remains an organized crime safe-haven.

Belgrade, for its part, will do whatever it takes; we will stay the course until this war is won.

Excellencies,

The final foreign policy priority for 2011 is economic diplomacy. Serbia will enhance its efforts to deepen existing economic relationships and create new ones, across the globe.

This is a natural extension of the world-wide political outreach we launched more than three years ago. Our future prosperity hinges in large part on how we make better use of bilateral and regional free trade agreements, promote our FDI potential, and gain access to emerging and growing markets.

In today's world, capital flows less freely. The impediments are not simply regulatory in nature. More and more, political relations are driving economic decision-making in the contemporary international arena. The role of diplomats is becoming increasingly important, as they move to the frontline of economic activity. The distinct contributions of politics, economics and diplomacy is merging into a single meta-discipline.
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A number of countries with which we shall deepen our engagement are members of the Non-Aligned Movement. As an old friend and an observer state to NAM, we believe that increasing our levels of trade and investment can be beneficial to everybody.

But this is not the only reason why Serbia seeks to re-invigorate its ties to NAM countries. It is also because we believe international stability and prosperity cannot be consolidated without taking into account the views of the majority of the global family of nations.

My country remains distinctly proud of the role it played in the history of NAM. Belgrade played host to its First Summit in 1961. I am honored to be able to confirm that Egypt, the Movement's current chairman, will preside-in Belgrade-over a special meeting in the first half of September to celebrate the 50th anniversary of its founding.

Excellencies,

Over the past few years, our country has weathered enormous international challenges against incredible odds. We will keep trying to accommodate the global changes in ways that serve our national interests-so that we emerge from the present inter-polar moment in a more advantageous position than the one the country was in when the tumults began.

We still have a long way to go. It will take the hard work of a generation before we fulfill our declared goals. Yet this should not distract us from doing our duty-for otherwise, we run the colossal risk of falling further behind.

We have to make sure that we stay the course. Our task is to build a European society, and end the era of discontent in the Balkans. We must make sure that outstanding problems such as Kosovo and Bosnia are resolved consensually. And, finally, we must continue building up active relationships with all the countries upon which the future prosperity of our nation depends.

Thank you very much.

“Serbia, the United States, and the Riddle of Europe”
Remarks Delivered to the Johns Hopkins University
Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS)
by H.E. Mr. Vuk Jeeremić
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia

Washington, DC, 25 February 2010

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am truly honored to be the first ever Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia to speak at SAIS - one of the most prestigious American graduate schools devoted to world affairs.

Your presence on three continents—with the Washington campus now being supplemented by one in Bologna, and another in Nanjing - has greatly contributed to raising the overall quality of international debate in these tumultuous times.

In my view, there is very little certainty and predictability left in the world. While the international system is undergoing a transformation in many ways similar to 1945 or 1989, I would argue that this time, the scope is far more comprehensive. For one, it is truly global - which is unprecedented.

Furthermore, what we are witnessing is not just another generational reshuffling of the deck, but a drastic - and seemingly instantaneous-increase in the number of both cards and players. Across-the-board repositioning is taking place. It is getting increasingly difficult even to set the agenda, much less lead the way.

I am of the opinion that the growing interdependence of the past few years has brought about a plethora of tangible benefits. However, the potential burden arising out of unintended consequences is truly staggering. We have yet to figure out a way how to deal with this new reality.

Thankfully, there still are parts of the world where stability is apt to be a long-term condition. Those may serve as solid, reliable footholds in our uncertain times as we try to get our bearings, while seeking ways to adapt to the changing circumstances. Strengthening these 2 regions - making sure they remain sturdy bastions of peace and security - is a priority of the highest order.

Serbia’s history and geography make us an integral part of one such area. And the belief we share with the American people in the noble, universal values of democracy forms the basis of our common vision of its future.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I refer to a Europe that is wholly peaceful and integrated. This has not yet come about.

Achieving both unity and peace across the entire Old Continent - thereby putting an end to centuries of wars, conflicts, revolutions, and strategic misunderstandings - is a greatly complicated matter. One may call it the Riddle of Europe.

It would take me too far off course to discuss the matter at length. Suffice it to say that there exists a dichotomy between the current borders of the EU and the fact that a vast area of European territory remains beyond them. Geo-strategically speaking, Europe is still incomplete. What needs to be worked out is how to include the nations to its immediate east and south-east. In particular, Turkey and Russia, two countries that have without question been integral to European history.

Turkey is uniquely important. With a firm bridgehead in continental Europe, it also stands at the center of Eurasia, acting as a key overland transportation and trade hub within that space. In addition, it has important cultural links with the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Caspian basin, and deep into Central Asia. Furthermore, its role as a major energy transit route to Europe cannot be over-stated.

Turkey can easily become Europe’s strategic capacity multiplier for influence in the Middle East. By embracing Turkey - a Muslim democratic nation - the EU would transform itself from being perceived as a partisan actor, to an honest broker in a crucial geopolitical theatre of the 21st century.

Yet its EU accession process is at a virtual stand-still—principally due to claims that Turkey is civilizationally and confessionally foreign. This could have profound consequences for the EU.

With regards to Russia, the obvious needs to be stated. Unquestionably, it has been a crucial player in all European historical acts. Russia remains a nuclear and natural resource superpower. Moreover, its voice in global affairs continues to carry a great deal - not only because of its veto-welding power in the Security Council.

Without trying to discount significant and understandable reservations, I think it is impossible to contest that it is of critical importance to find a way of being inclusive of Russia. This is both a security and economic imperative.

In short, the questions of Turkey and Russia go to the heart of the Riddle of Europe. I have no ambition to provide you with answers to them. But I am certain that the EU must first ensure stability within its inner geographic space. And this cannot be achieved without the countries of the Western Balkans becoming full members of the European Union.

Rapidly joining the EU is Serbia’s central strategic priority. Our domestic debate about where we want to go is over. We held two national elections in 2008 - one presidential, the other parliamentary. For us, these were referenda on how to interact with the world of today. Our citizens were given a clear choice between two diametrically opposite ways forward. And they decided to cast their vote for a European future. Twice.

Serbia has worked very hard to get to this point. In the face of numerous obstacles and against overwhelming odds, we have consolidated our democracy. We have done so not out of fear of being left behind, but out of a self-confidence that this is where we belong, and in our ability to make a non-trivial contribution to solving the Riddle of Europe.

From where we stand, the finish line can be seen. But we’re not there quite yet. Unresolved issues must still be addressed, swiftly and without delay, in a candid and forthright manner.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

With all due respect to a number of other delicate matters, I believe only two major obstacles stand in the way of irreversibly consolidating the Western Balkans.

One is a divergence of views on how to secure the prosperity of Bosnia; the other is a disagreement on Kosovo’s future status.

A worn out method of dealing with these problems consists in having external stakeholders try to impose pre-determined outcomes - an approach that can’t help but remind us of Thucydides’ Melian Dialogue, where justice is interpreted by the Athenian generals as ‘might makes right.’

Rigidly pursuing an agenda that calls for a centralized Bosnia and cementing the secession of Kosovo - regardless of costs - is at once superficial and unsustainable. It dismisses the legitimate concerns of countries like Serbia as irrelevant variables in the regional equation. Perhaps most importantly, it simply does not pass the test of democratic legitimacy.

Thanks to the statesmanship and vision of President Boris Tadic, today’s Serbia is a fullfledged, peaceful democracy—a lynchpin contributor to the stability of the Western Balkans. Our foreign policy is the product of a de facto public consensus, driven by a firm electoral majority.

This fact must not be ignored.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We believe that the only way forward lies in dialogue and engagement. We remain mindful of geopolitical realities and respectful of everyone’s legitimate constraints. But at the end of the day, there is no alternative to working together in addressing outstanding regional challenges, as responsible stakeholders in a common enterprise.

Integral to these efforts is the United States, a key actor on the world stage and in the Western Balkans. America could play a critical role in shaping outcomes that are acceptable to all involved - and that can hardly take place without fully engaging Belgrade.

This is the right strategic choice, but it will not be simple. Our disagreement on Kosovo has complicated matters significantly, to be sure. Nonetheless, thanks to concerted efforts, last year we were able to press the reset button on our bilateral relationship, in essence agreeing to contain our differences.

In 2009, we started the process of recalibration. In 2010, we could start forging a productive partnership. Should we succeed, we would invariably end up reinforcing each other’s strategic influence in the region. As a result, Serbia and the United States, each in our own way, would come to be appreciated as complementary providers of stability in the Western Balkans.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

My Government has no interest in freezing the unresolved regional issues. I cannot stress this enough, for we need to arrive at consensual solutions at all deliberate speed.

Let us begin with Bosnia and Herzegovina. As our most important neighbor, we see Bosnia’s prosperity as crucial to that of the Western Balkans.

Time and again, we have emphasized our absolute commitment to its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Serbia’s ‘One-Bosnia Policy’ is the surest guarantee that the country will not break up.

We have also taken a number of concrete steps towards full reconciliation—a legal and political, but also a moral imperative for all the nations of the region to embrace. President Tadic traveled to Srebrenica on the 10th anniversary of the massacre to bow to the victims of that terrible war crime, and has apologized for the wrongdoings of the previous regime on a number of occasions. Serbia is fully cooperating with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in the Hague, and is doing everything it can to locate, arrest and extradite the two remaining at-large indictees. Lastly, our National Assembly will soon begin debate on a historical resolution on Srebrenica that will unequivocally condemn the crime that took place there.

Serbia will also continue to encourage representatives of all the three constituent peoples to agree on necessary reforms, with the aim of accelerating Bosnia’s EU accession - a strategic priority for all.

At the same time, we have made it clear that we are not a direct negotiator in the Bosnian process. But like other responsible stakeholders, we will continue to exercise our influence in a constructive way, by making it clear that we will support whatever arrangement is acceptable to the three sides - stressing the need for mutual respect, pragmatism and compromise. A centralized Bosnia is not a viable outcome - and neither is partition. International efforts should be focused on finding a middle ground solution everyone can sign on to.

Our way of looking at the situation in Bosnia has been informed by the fact that consensusbuilding is a core 21st-century European value and decision-making principle, aptly illustrated by the fact that on important institutional changes, all must give their consent. Sometimes this takes longer than one would like, as the Lisbon Treaty ratification process reminds us. But it’s the best way to ensure moving forward to the next stage in the historic process of forging a perpetual peace in an ever closer Union.

The consensus principle has also guided our approach to resolving the other major challenge to regional stability: UDI - the February 17th, 2008, unilateral declaration of independence by the ethnic-Albanian authorities of Serbia’s southern province of Kosovo and Metohija.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Despite all claims to the contrary, Kosovo’s status remains an open issue.

UDI was an attempt to impose a one-sided outcome where one party gets everything, and the other nothing. It failed to win the support of the Security Council, the European Union, and a vast majority of UN member States. As such, it is not sustainable. I believe it is our shared responsibility to take whatever steps are required to extricate ourselves, in a creative way, from this quagmire.

This is precisely the approach Serbia has actively embraced. We responded to Kosovo’s UDI with utmost restraint, in a way designed to overcome differences, not entrench them. At Serbia’s initiative, an issue of such fundamental importance and complexity – passionately involving all at once identity, boundaries, communal rights, opposing historical narratives - was steered clear of resorting to the force of arms, for the first time in the history of our region.

From the very outset of this grave crisis, we sought to compartmentalize the political fallout. We did not seek confrontation, but compromise.

To that end, Serbia made sure the province’s local population - irrespective of ethnicity – did not fall victim to status disagreements. We worked closely with the UN and the EU on resolving practical matters on the ground in a status-neutral manner, to the benefit of all of Kosovo’s residents.

In addition, we turned to the instruments of peaceful adjudication. Our decision to contest Kosovo’s UDI at the International Court of Justice - by prevailing in the United Nations General Assembly - constitutes a paradigm shift in favor of peace in the Western Balkans.

By pursuing such an approach to UDI, Serbia in effect put forward a new model for ethnic conflict resolution in the 21st century - one that could be applied anywhere in the world where the divides are deep, the historical burdens heavy, and the issues involved go to the very heart of defining one’s national identity.

By doing so, we have highlighted the importance of strictly respecting a rules-based approach to global governance. In the increasingly interdependent world, Serbia believes that even deep-seated disagreements can and should be resolved in an atmosphere of mutual respect, through consensus - not by imposition or unilateral action.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Kosovo case marks the first time that the International Court of Justice will rule on the legality of an attempt at secession by an ethnic group from a UN member State in peacetime. Objections have been raised to the entire exercise by those who claim that UDI is irreversible. In my view, that’s like someone saying a court should not involve itself in a suspected arson case, because the house has already burned down.

The Court has begun its deliberations on the legality of UDI. It is expected to deliver its ruling in the next few months. A record number of countries presented their views during the recently-held oral arguments, including all five permanent members of the Security Council for the first time in history.

Once the Court hands down its opinion, an opportunity will be created for a dialogue that can produce a mutually-acceptable, viable solution to the future status of Kosovo - one that will not recklessly sacrifice geo-strategic priorities of all, on the altar of communal aspirations of a single party.

Serbia has respectfully played by the rules of international relations, in order to create a set of circumstances where the incentives for coming together in agreement will outweigh all other considerations.

Let me make it absolutely clear that we stand ready to flexibly engage in good-faith, for our intent is not to triumph or to subjugate, but to truly resolve the issue in a way that will contribute to advancing regional priorities, within the framework set forth by international law.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Serbia is not after maximalist gains. We are not looking to set aright historical wrongs, either. But we are determined to complete the democratic consolidation of the Western Balkans.

We believe this is where leaders can make a tangible difference. They can set the right proportion of means to ends, as well as the right balance of what is needed to what may be desired, so that real and lasting stability may take root for good.

In my view, that is the role of statecraft: to bridge the divides, whilst securing legitimacy.

This could be taken as one of Abraham Lincoln’s fundamental lessons. On the occasion of taking the Oath of Office as President of the United States, in the speech in which he referred to secession as the “essence of anarchy,” he looked to the future, and called for solutions to be reached by appealing to what he termed the “better angels of our nature.”

We should look back to his words for inspiration, for I believe the moment has arrived for trying to come together in the democratic spirit, and creating a better, more inclusive era for all in a free and united Europe.

I believe 2010 can be our year of peacemaking, if we choose to do the right thing, combine courage with prudence, and appeal to the better angels of our nature.

Thank you.

Esteemed Executive Council Chairman Kussa,

Venerable Commission Chairperson Ping,

Honorable Commissioners,

My Fellow Foreign Ministers and Heads of Delegations,

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Thank you for the distinct privilege to address the African Union today. Allow me to emphasize my sincere appreciation to our Ethiopian hosts for their excellent organization and warm hospitality.

My country has stood firmly with Africa throughout its contemporary history. Our capital, Belgrade, is a city generations of Africans recall with great fondness. It hosted the First Non-Aligned Movement Summit in 1961, with a number of African countries in attendance. In order to honor that legacy with a fitting tribute to its founders, we have proposed that its fiftieth anniversary be celebrated where it all began, in Belgrade, with an extraordinary Summit under the Egyptian chairmanship in 2011.

Mr. Chairman,

Serbia is the largest successor state to Yugoslavia. Under President Tito, we actively and consistently supported Africa’s national liberation struggles for decades. As a true and unconditional friend, we encouraged the states of this great continent to assert their pride of place in the international community.

My country also helped to build up Africa’s economies through development assistance, infrastructure projects, and the university education of its students.

Moreover, we have traditionally contributed to enhancing the peace and stability of the continent. Since the 1950s, my country has worked with the United Nations on a number of peacekeeping missions across Africa. Today, the Republic of Serbia participates in four UN operations. In the Democratic Republic of Congo and Chad, medical teams and field hospitals are present on the ground in rural areas, helping to provide much-needed health services to local populations. And in Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire, we have deployed military and police observers to enhance the security situation in the region, enabling people to rebuild their lives in a safe post-conflict environment.

Mr. Chairman,

The Republic of Serbia is deeply committed to comprehensively enhance our relations with the African Union and its member States. In the field of education, as of this year, we will offer hundreds of new scholarships for students to attend Serbian universities. Regarding agriculture, we offer our expertise in order to help enhance food production and increase crop yields. When it comes to trade and investment, we will work on optimizing Africa’s competitive advantages, by deepening existing economic relationships, and creating new ones across this continent.

In the political sphere, I want to underline that Serbia will soon join the European Union. At the same time, we will keep emphasizing our conviction that international stability and prosperity cannot be consolidated without taking into account the views of important actors on the world stage, such as the African Union.

We believe that, in the interdependent world of the 21^st century, Serbia’s membership in the European Union would give a new, more profound meaning to our relations with AU member states. This would not only ensure that more than forty African nations would have a true friend in Brussels, but it would also lead to an increase in both understanding and cooperation between the two Unions. I am in no doubt that this would be advantageous to everyone concerned.

Let me underline the fact that as an observer country, Serbia fully supports the Vision and Objectives of the African Union, rooted in the United Nations Charter—including those provisions related to the obligation to uphold the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states.

Mr. Chairman,

This brings me to one of the most profound challenges my country and the international community face today—that is, the attempt by the ethnic-Albanian authorities of our southern province of Kosovo to secede from Serbia, through a unilateral declaration of secession.

In the name of the Republic of Serbia, I would like to express my profound appreciation to the over eighty percent of African Union countries that have not recognized the separatists in Kosovo. Your support for our sovereignty and territorial integrity is truly gratifying.

From the onset of this grave crisis, we decided to respond to the illegitimate effort to forcibly partition Serbia in a peaceful manner, and with maximal restraint. We chose to harness all the diplomatic resources at our disposal to counter secession, and contain its potentially destabilizing consequences. Thanks to the overwhelming support achieved in the UN General Assembly, the International Court of Justice was tasked with ruling on the legality of Kosovo’s attempt at secession. The Court’s decision is expected this year.

I have come here to plead that you maintain your principled reservation on the Kosovo issue. This case will constitute a strong precedent. It marks the first time ever that the Court has been asked to consider the legality of a unilateral attempt by an ethnic minority to secede from a UN member State in peacetime, in defiance of its Constitution and the will of the Security Council.

Accordingly, the Court’s conclusions will have extensive consequences for the entire international community—perhaps for African Union states most of all. Imagine how many UN member States of this great continent would be affected by the legitimization of forcible partition. The borders of every multiethnic state could be threatened, producing instability in all corners of Africa. Progress, development, human rights, and ultimately—peace, would be jeopardized. The achievements of generations of African statesmen would be set back, as the number of crises multiplies.

That is why it is imperative—why it is absolutely critical—for the Court to be allowed to do its job, unhindered by political pressures, such as further recognitions of Kosovo’s separatists.

It is the only way to avoid doing any further damage to the legitimacy of the international system and the universality of the values we hold in common.

And it is the only way to re-open the window of opportunity behind which stands the prospect of a negotiated, compromise solution to the province’s future status.

In short, we ask all the non-recognizing countries represented in this room to stay the course, by not accepting Kosovo’s attempted secession. We do so not only in the name of our traditional ties of friendship, but in the name of working together to consolidate a rules-based international order for the 21^st century—one in which secession is clearly seen as a dangerous threat, and one in which reaching agreement between the parties is the only legitimate, sustainable way forward.

By holding the line—by maintaining respect for Serbia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity—we will help ensure that international law continues to close in on separatists, present and future, who hope that Kosovo’s unilateralism will be allowed to prevail.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.

Dear Prime Minister Papandreou,

Respected Dean of the Diplomatic Corps,

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is my great pleasure and privilege to greet you all to the third Ambassadors’ Conference of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia.

For the entire world, 2009 was a challenging year. Governments across the globe struggled to find solutions to the great economic crisis. At the same time, the international community has had to deal with an increasing number of geopolitical fluctuations, social pressures, and environmental concerns.

Together with all the rest, Serbia has been affected by these tumults. Yet thanks to determined leadership and responsible policies, we are beginning to emerge from this difficult period stronger and more confident as a nation. Our vigorous and constructive engagement with the international community has been integral to our efforts.

The dedicated vision of President Boris Tadic, supported by the capable government stewardship of Prime Minister Mirko Cvetkovic, will continue to point our way in 2010. When it comes to foreign relations, it will be the task of Serbian diplomats abroad—together with our Belgrade-based colleagues—to not only maintain 2009’s momentum of achievement, but to increase it in 2010.

As your minister, I want to thank you for your selfless service, and lay out for you Serbia’s four foreign policy priorities for the next twelve months.

One, working to rapidly attain membership in the European Union. Two, continuing to peacefully defend our constitutional order. Three, consolidating regional stability and cooperation. And four, deepening our economic relationships across the globe.

Our task will be to constructively engage with all nations, near and far, that seek to work with us on the basis of mutual respect and understanding. To that end, in 2010, the Republic of Serbia will continue to confidently pursue a carefully balanced and active foreign policy, built around four centers of gravity, or pillars, as articulated by President Tadic.

Our first pillar is Brussels, the capital of the Union we seek to join as soon as possible.

The next one is Moscow, with whom we have enjoyed comprehensive ties of friendship over the long course of history, our most stalwart ally in the peaceful defense of our territorial integrity.

Another is Beijing, with whom we have established a strategic partnership we look forward to consolidating in the years ahead.

The last, but by no means least, is Washington, a key actor on the world stage and in the Western Balkans. One of our most significant accomplishments in 2009 was pressing the reset button on our bilateral relationship. Through concerted efforts, we managed to contain our differences, and decided to work closely together in the years ahead.

Excellencies,

Before proceeding any further, I would like to extend a particularly warm welcome to our distinguished guest from the Hellenic Republic, Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs George Papandreou.

For my nation, you stand as a megalopsuchos—a great-souled man. Whenever this country needed you, you were there. We remain profoundly grateful of your personal contribution to Serbia and the whole region.

George Papandreou’s early and consistent encouragement of Serbia’s reform movement helped to lay the foundation for our peaceful revolution. His presence in Belgrade during the inauguration of our democracy as Foreign Minister of Greece, conferred undisputed international legitimacy to the victory we achieved at the polls.

As a young activist, I happened to be in charge of coordinating George Papandreou’s arrival in our capital, and found myself nervously waiting for him in front of Sava Centar, where the historic event was taking place on that fateful October evening.

We shook hands, and I remember what he said to me: “Congratulations. Today, Serbia begins its European journey.”

Excellencies,

The coming into force of the Lisbon Treaty has created a concrete opportunity for this generation of Europeans to complete the greatest peace project in the history of the world. Greece, under the leadership of George Papandreou, has again seized the initiative, by proposing a roadmap for the EU accession of the Western Balkans: Agenda 2014.

The Republic of Serbia wholeheartedly embraces this call. We believe the promise made in Thessaloniki in 2003 can be fulfilled in Athens in 2014. One hundred years after the conflict between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Hapsburg Empire initiated a global maelstrom of war and revolution, permanent peace in Europe can finally come into being. By fulfilling Agenda 2014, the book can be closed for good on an era that did not witness the enduring stability the peoples of the Old Continent so richly deserve.

This goal is undeniably ambitious, yet Serbia is confident that it is achievable. Our political will is strong. Our capacity to complete the necessary reforms is clear. And our track record is evident—for 2009 was Serbia’s best EU accession year ever.

In the past twelve months, visa liberalization became a reality, the Interim Agreement with the European Union was unfrozen, and our application for EU membership was submitted in Stockholm by President Tadic.

In 2010, these concrete deeds must be followed through with all deliberate speed. In our view, Agenda 2014 is the ultimate benchmark against which real progress in every Copenhagen Criteria field of interest should be measured.

Excellencies,

The internal debate about Serbia’s European future has come to an end: the rapid attainment of membership in the European Union is our central strategic priority.

Serbia will devote all available resources to the fulfillment of this crucial goal through active and sustained engagement with Brussels and all the national capitals of the Union. This will include on-going full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. We do not consider this simply to be a legal imperative, but also an ethical duty—to our neighbors and the world, of course, but foremost to ourselves. We will keep at it until we see it through.

By working closely together on all accession issues as partners aiming at a common future, we can help ensure the EU Council takes two important political decisions in 2010: first, to enable the beginning of the ratification of the Stabilization and Association Agreement; and second, to extend official candidate status to Serbia.

Through sustained action, the steps necessary for the realization of Agenda 2014 will firmly stay in focus, paving the way for the entire Western Balkans to accede to the European Union.

Excellencies,

Another important foreign policy priority will be to carry on with diplomatic efforts to uphold our constitutional order. In 2009, we worked very hard to contain the effects of UDI—the unilateral declaration of independence by the ethnic-Albanian authorities of our southern province of Kosovo and Metohija.

I want to sincerely thank the representatives of the vast majority of UN member States that respect my country’s territorial integrity. Our nations stand together in safeguarding the foundations of international law, as set forth in the UN Charter.

In 2010, Serbia’s principled position on UDI will remain the same. Our red lines are clear and consistent. They will continue to be honored without exception. We will not recognize UDI, implicitly or explicitly. This is a constitutional imperative, as well as our moral, historical and—above all—democratic duty. On this fundamental point, our nation is united as one.

Our absolute commitment to keep facing the challenge posed by Pristina’s attempt at secession in a constructive, non-confrontational manner—designed to overcome differences and not entrench them, through law and diplomacy—will remain in force.

This strategic decision on the part of Serbia constitutes a paradigm shift in favor of peace in the Western Balkans. Thanks to our efforts, an issue of such fundamental importance and complexity—passionately involving all at once identity, boundaries, communal rights, opposing historical narratives—has been steered clear of resorting to the force of arms for the first time in the history of our region.

Excellencies,

Over the last twelve months, we progressed along two parallel tracks regarding Kosovo. At home, we worked closely with the UN and the EU on resolving practical matters on the ground in a status-neutral manner, to the benefit of all residents of the province. In so doing, we made sure the local population—irrespective of ethnicity—did not fall victim to status disagreements.

Abroad, we continued with our diplomatic efforts, and made full use of the instruments of peaceful adjudication. Through the UN General Assembly, the International Court of Justice was tasked to rule on whether Kosovo’s UDI is in accordance with international law.

This has turned out to be a landmark case. It is the first time that the ICJ has been asked to consider the legality of a unilateral attempt by an ethnic minority to secede from a UN member State in peacetime, in defiance of its Constitution and against the will of the Security Council. It is also the first time all five Permanent Members of the Council participated in a proceeding before the Court.

A few weeks ago, a crucial stage in the judicial process—oral hearings—came to an end. A record number of countries presented their views, making it the largest case in the history of the Court.

It will deliver its conclusions this year, with overarching consequences for the international legal order. It is therefore particularly important for all to respect the fact that the ICJ has begun its deliberations. The judges’ work should be allowed to run its course, unhindered by political pressures, such as further recognitions of Kosovo’s UDI.

Once the ICJ hands down its opinion, an opportunity will be created to find a way forward.

We believe dialogue is the most effective means to achieve the only sustainable outcome: a mutually-acceptable, viable solution that will not recklessly sacrifice geo-strategic priorities of all, on the altar of communal aspirations of a single party.

We stand ready to flexibly engage with stakeholders in good-faith, for our intent is not to triumph or to subjugate, but to resolve the issue in a way that will contribute to advancing regional priorities, within the framework set forth by international law.

I should like to place our decision to transfer the UDI issue to the judicial arena in the general context of how we want to manage political differences. Serbia has in effect put forward a new model for ethnic conflict resolution in the 21^st century—one that could be applied anywhere in the world where the divides are deep, the historical burdens heavy, and the issues involved go to the very heart of defining one’s national identity.

By doing so, we have highlighted the importance of strictly respecting a rules-based approach to global governance. In our increasingly interdependent world, Serbia believes that even deep-seated disagreements can and should be resolved in an atmosphere of mutual respect, through consensus—not by imposition or unilateral action.

Excellencies,

I come to our third core foreign policy priority: enhancing regional cooperation in the Western Balkans.

Like all responsible UN member States, Serbia attaches particular importance to good neighborly relations.

This crucial objective is framed by our conviction that the EU accession processes of Western Balkan countries can only be accelerated by working in concert, and not at cross-purposes. Mutual support and genuine encouragement are not merely policy options, but strategic necessities.

Unfortunately, the unity we seek has been somewhat undermined as a result of regrettable decisions by some of our neighbors on the Kosovo UDI issue. These have not contributed to regional stability. Nevertheless, our carefully measured responses have ensured that the political fallout which naturally resulted was largely contained.

In 2010, Serbia will continue to stand as the region’s pivot country, uniquely placed to act as the EU accession accelerator for the entire neighborhood.

To further this process, we will devote particular attention to defending the rights and interests of Serbs living outside the Republic of Serbia.

We see these communities as natural links in the aim to enhance relations between the various regional capitals and Belgrade. We also see them as important economic bridgeheads, and focal points in ongoing reconciliation efforts throughout the Balkans.

Democratic Serbia expects our co-nationals living outside our constitutional borders to continue to act as loyal citizens of their respective countries, whose sovereignty and territorial integrity we fully respect.

At the same time, as President Tadic has made clear, “we will insist that neighboring countries entirely abide by the democratic standards of Europe and the basic rights of Serb communities to safeguard their identity, their language, their culture, and their faith. This is of exceptional importance.”

Excellencies,

Before moving on to the next portion on my remarks, I want to say a few words about Bosnia and Hercegovina. As our most important neighbor, its stability and prosperity is crucial to that of the Western Balkans.

Being a responsible member of the international community, Serbia will continue to encourage representatives of all the three constituent peoples to agree on necessary reforms, with the aim of accelerating Bosnia’s EU accession—a strategic priority for all.

We have made it clear that we will support whatever arrangement is acceptable to the parties, stressing the need for pragmatism and compromise.

Consensus-building is a core 21^st-century European value and decision-making principle, aptly illustrated by the fact that on important institutional changes, all must give their consent. Sometimes this takes longer than one would like, as the Lisbon Treaty ratification process reminds us. But at the end of the day, agreement is reached—enabling everyone to move forward together.

Excellencies,

The final foreign policy priority for 2010 is economic diplomacy. Serbia will enhance its efforts to deepen existing economic relationships and create new ones, across the globe.

This is a natural extension of our world-wide political outreach in 2009. Our future prosperity hinges in large part on how well we harness our competitive advantages, and on how we make better use of free trade agreements such as CEFTA—which Serbia will chair in 2010, promote our FDI potential, and gain access to emerging and growing markets.

A number of the countries we look forward to engage with are members of the Non-Aligned Movement. As an old friend and an observer state to NAM, we believe that increasing our levels of trade and investment can be beneficial to everybody.

But this is not the only reason why Serbia seeks to re-invigorate its ties to NAM countries.

It is also because we believe international stability and prosperity cannot be consolidated without taking into account the views of the majority of the global family of nations.

I should like to mention that our capital, Belgrade, played host to the First NAM Summit in 1961.

We have therefore proposed that its fiftieth anniversary be celebrated here, with an extraordinary Summit under the Egyptian chairmanship.

Making Belgrade the location to honor this significant milestone would be a fitting tribute to the bequest left by NAM’s founders.

Excellencies,

Sixty-five years have passed since the ultimate victory over fascism in the Second World War. The Serbian nation will seek to take an active role in commemorating this glorious moment in history.

We will do so as a strong champion of the universal values and rights that the uniquely brutal and aggressive ideology sought to erase from human consciousness.

Together with millions of others, a great number of our valiant men and women lost their lives in this triumph over evil. Their heroism will always be remembered. Thanks to their sacrifice, our nation stood up proudly again.

____

In conclusion, I want to repeat Serbia’s fundamental commitment to fulfilling its European destiny. Our central strategic priority continues to be the rapid attainment of membership in the European Union.

We do not seek to join the EU merely for reasons of geography and heritage—or just because the Union is seen as a guarantor of stability and a foundation for long-term, sustainable prosperity through the Common Market.

We also do so as a proud and resolute nation deserving of its place at the European table, certain of its capacity to promote the core values we hold in common—such as peace, democracy, human rights, and social justice.

____

George Papandreou was the first to speak of Serbia’s journey to Europe on that historic day in October 2000 in Belgrade.

Close to a decade later, his vision has never been closer to realization, his words never less in doubt.

We have worked incredibly hard to get to where we are now, and we will work even harder to get to the finish line as soon as we can. We can be sure that the strategically bold Agenda 2014 will be there, unmistakably pointing the way to our ultimate destination.

Whatever comes along, whatever obstacles we may encounter on the final stretch of our approach to Brussels, I want to make it absolutely clear that Serbia will not waiver. We will not be distracted.

In a few years’ time, Serbia will join the European Union. This is the pledge we make, and the promise we intend to keep.

Thank you for your attention.

Remarks Delivered to the London School of Economics and Political Science

by H.E. Mr. Vuk Jeremić

Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia

London, 7 December 2009

Excellencies,

Distinguished Faculty and Guests,

Dear Students,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Professor Rajak, thank you for that warm introduction. It is a great privilege to be the first ever Minister of Foreign Affairs of Serbia to address the London School of Economics and Political Science.

I would like to begin with a few words about the European Union’s place in the interdependent world of the 21^st century. What we can all notice is that the international system is in the midst of a transformation, in some ways comparable to 1945 or 1989.

As a number of increasingly influential actors actively maneuver with the intent of repositioning themselves on the world stage, Europe must find a way to play a more pronounced role in global affairs. With the coming into force of the Lisbon Treaty, this becomes a realistic possibility.

Yet one of the key pre-requisites for the Union to be able to confidently pursue strategic interests beyond its borders is to ensure stability within its own geography. In my opinion, this cannot be done without rapidly advancing the membership perspective of the Western Balkans.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Serbia is the region’s pivot country—its indispensable geo-strategic anchor, uniquely placed to act as the EU accession accelerator for the entire neighborhood.

We are a strong promoter of regional economic integration through institutions such as the Central European Free Trade Accord, or CEFTA—the chairmanship of which we will take over on January 1^st, 2010.

Serbia is the transportation and trading hub of the Western Balkans. We will continue to prioritize the improvement of the free-flow of goods and services throughout the region, as well as to encourage the development of environment-friendly and carbon-neutral technologies, in line with European standards.

In addition, Serbia will soon strengthen its centrality to the region’s energy grid. We already are a key actor in the production and distribution of electrical power. With the completion of the South Stream pipeline, we will become one of the focal points for the safe and reliable supply of natural gas to the Balkans and Central Europe, for decades to come.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

My Government’s central strategic priority remains the achievement of full and rapid membership in the European Union.

Our domestic debate about where we want to go is over. Two national elections were held in Serbia last year—one presidential, the other parliamentary. For our country, these were referenda on how to interact with the world of today. Our citizens were given a clear choice between two diametrically opposite ways forward. And they decided to cast their vote for a European future. Twice.

Serbia has worked very hard to get to this point. In the face of numerous obstacles and against overwhelming odds, we have consolidated our democracy, eager to take our rightful place at the table of Europe.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

A few days ago, the EU formally placed my country on the so-called “White Schengen List.” This means that the citizens of Serbia will finally start traveling freely throughout the Continent, starting on December 19^th of this year.

As important as visa liberalization is, however, we mustn’t stop there. The next step should be the un-freezing the Interim Agreement with the European Union, paving the way to our membership application.

Certain misgivings have been expressed by those who believe the EU should take an enlargement break after Croatia. With all due respect, we strongly disagree with this point of view. This is no time for diffidence. Should a decision be taken to put the rest of the Balkans on standby, the cost to Europe’s credibility would be immeasurable.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Serbia aims to join the Union not out of fear of being left behind—and not only because we have an important role to play in consolidating regional peace. We also seek EU membership out of pride and confidence in our capacity to make contributions to broader European goals.

Over the past few years, our European vision has been complemented by a strong determination to pursue a carefully calibrated and active foreign policy, aimed at engagement with nations throughout the world, near and far.

In the interdependent global environment of the 21^st century, Serbia’s membership in the EU could help stabilize Europe’s strategic relationship with Russia, as well as increase understanding and cooperation with many Non-Aligned Movement member states.

I do not wish to suggest that our accession will decisively result in a more influential, globally dynamic European Union. But it is also no exaggeration to say that our contribution to pan-European priorities may not be limited to regional affairs.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Nevertheless, the immediate task before us is to figure out ways to overcome the remaining challenges in the Western Balkans.

Let me start with Bosnia and Herzegovina. First off, I want to underline Serbia’s absolute commitment to our neighbor’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

We are working to encourage representatives of all the three constituent peoples to agree on necessary reforms, with the aim of accelerating Bosnia’s EU accession—a strategic priority for all.

We have made it clear that we will support whatever arrangement is acceptable to the parties, stressing the need for pragmatism and compromise.

Consensus-building is a core 21^st-century European value and decision-making principle, aptly illustrated by the fact that on important institutional changes, all must give their consent. Sometimes this takes longer than one would like, as the Lisbon Treaty ratification process reminds us. But at the end of the day, agreement is reached—enabling everyone to move forward together.

This principle has also guided our approach to resolving another challenge to regional stability: UDI—the February 17^th, 2008, unilateral declaration of independence by the ethnic-Albanian authorities of Serbia’s southern province of Kosovo and Metohija.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We responded to Kosovo’s UDI responsibly and with utmost restraint, in a way designed to overcome differences, not entrench them. At Serbia’s initiative, an issue of such fundamental importance and complexity—passionately involving all at once identity, boundaries, communal rights, opposing historical narratives—was steered clear of resorting to the force of arms, for the first time in the history of our region.

From the very outset of this grave crisis, we ruled out the use of force and sought to compartmentalize the political fallout.

At the same time, Serbia made sure the local population—irrespective of ethnicity—did not fall victim to status disagreements. We worked closely with the UN and the EU on resolving practical matters on the ground in a status-neutral manner, to the benefit of all residents of the province.

In addition, we turned to the instruments of peaceful adjudication. Our decision to contest Kosovo’s UDI at the International Court of Justice—by prevailing in the United Nations General Assembly—constitutes a paradigm shift in favor of peace in the Western Balkans.

By pursuing an active yet non-confrontational approach to UDI, Serbia in effect put forward a new model for ethnic conflict resolution in the 21^st century—one that could be applied anywhere in the world where the divides are deep, the historical burdens heavy, and the issues involved go to the very heart of defining one’s national character.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

A few days ago, the International Court of Justice began the crucial oral phase of its hearings on Kosovo’s UDI.

This is the first time in history that the Court will rule on the legality of an attempt at secession by an ethnic group from a UN member State in peacetime.

It is also the first time all five Permanent Members of this Council are participating in a proceeding before the Court.

The total number of states that are presenting their views in The Hague is a record for the ICJ, exceeding even the figure in the cases involving the legality of the use of nuclear weapons.

There is therefore little doubt that the Court’s conclusions will have over-arching consequences for the international legal order.

Objections have been raised to the entire exercise by those who claim that UDI is irreversible. In my view, that’s like someone saying a court should not involve itself in a suspected arson case, because the house has already burned down.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The International Court of Justice is not a peace conference. It is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations. Its job is to determine whether UDI accords with international law.

Once the Court hands down its opinion, an opportunity will be created for a dialogue that can produce a mutually-acceptable, viable solution to the future status of Kosovo—one that will not recklessly sacrifice geo-strategic priorities of all, on the altar of communal aspirations of a single party.

____

We are focused on creating a set of circumstances where the incentives for coming together in agreement will outweigh all other considerations.

I wouldn’t be surprised if a lot of people get surprised by our flexibility—once we get back to the negotiating table, for our intent is not to triumph, or to subjugate.

As Johnson wrote to Boswell, “life cannot subsist but by reciprocal concession.” I can’t emphasize this enough: the chance to overcome the UDI dead-end through compromise must not be squandered.

This should not be seen as a contest where a winner emerges, as a game to see who was right, or as a chance to demonstrate who does greater honor to his past. And even though the LSE’s motto is rerum cognoscere causas—“to know the causes of things”—it’s not about that either. It’s about overcoming their effects in the 21^st century. It is about the future, about assuring long-term prosperity, and—perhaps above all—it is about demonstrating that Serbs and Albanians are capable of making a joint contribution to the consolidation of the security of all of Europe.

Thank you very much.

Dear President Papoulias,

Mr. Chairman-in-Office,

Mr. President of the Parliamentary Assembly,

Mr. Secretary General,

Excellencies,

Distinguished Guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me begin by offering my sincere congratulations to the Hellenic Republic for launching a wide-ranging process of high-level dialogue on European security earlier this year in Corfu.

I also want to extend special thanks to our outgoing chairman-in-office, Foreign Minister Papandreou, for his hospitality and dynamic leadership at a critical moment for the OSCE.

In addition, I take this opportunity to wish all success to our colleague, Foreign Minister Saudabayev, as the Republic of Kazakhstan prepares to assume the chairmanship of our Organization.

Excellencies,

The OSCE—spanning an area from Vladivostok to Vancouver—represents a unique forum in which participating States can coordinate their positions in the context of the broader, common European security agenda.

Regrettably, the level of trust in the OSCE space is not as high as it once was. At present, our founding principles and common values are not always being consistently applied, raising the specter of double standards.

A flagrant example of this is the unilateral declaration of independence by the ethnic-Albanian authorities of our southern province of Kosovo. UDI constitutes a direct challenge to our sovereignty and territorial integrity, and took place in defiance of our democratic constitution, against the will of the Security Council, and in clear violation of the UN Charter and the Helsinki Final Act.

Excellencies,

Serbia responded to Kosovo’s UDI in a way entirely consistent with the essence of Helsinki. At our initiative, an issue of such fundamental importance and complexity—passionately involving all at once identity, boundaries, communal rights, opposing historical narratives—was steered clear of resorting to the force of arms for the first time in the history of the Western Balkans.

To strengthen the rules of the OSCE space and tangibly contribute to regional stability, we chose to turn to the law.

Yesterday, the International Court of Justice—tasked by the UN General Assembly to examine whether UDI conforms to international law—began oral hearings in the Kosovo case.

Once the Court hands down its opinion, an opportunity to come together and reach a compromise on Kosovo’s future status will have been created—one that will be acceptable to all stakeholders, consolidate peace and security in the Western Balkans, and play a critical part in fulfilling our central strategic priority: membership in the European Union. This chance must not be squandered.

By embracing this peaceful, non-confrontational approach to UDI, Serbia in effect put forward a new model for ethnic conflict resolution in the 21^st century. This is our contribution to the regional and global renewal of trust—essential, in our view, for the international system to meet the growing number of contemporary challenges.

Excellencies,

Recent events in the OSCE space have made it clear that it is time to engage in a frank dialogue about inclusive ways to bolster security in 21^st century Europe, consistent with international law and our Organization’s bedrock principle of decision-making by consensus.

The Corfu Process may contribute to this strategic imperative. Under the incoming Kazakh chairmanship, we hope that the participating States will be able to achieve substantial progress within this Organization’s framework. This would pave the way for an OSCE Heads of State Summit to take place in 2010.

Only by working together—by restoring confidence and rebuilding trust—can we achieve what is needed: the revitalization of the spirit of Helsinki. All initiatives that may bring us closer to achieving that goal should be carefully examined in good faith. In this context, we commend the efforts of the President of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Medvedev.

Excellencies,

The Republic of Serbia is a co-sponsor of the Draft Ministerial Declaration on the Sixty-Fifth Anniversary of the End of the Second World War.

For the Serbian nation, our victory over fascism marked the conclusion of a brutal occupation that had forcefully partitioned our country, and brought profound misery to our people.

Across the entire European continent, this triumph over evil came at an exceedingly high price. A great number of valiant men and women lost their lives, entire cities were decimated, and whole regions were laid to waste.

In short, it took the unprecedented horrors of the Second World War for the international community to come together and draft the United Nations Charter, whose noble principles were later consolidated through the adoption of the Helsinki Final Act in what is now known as the OSCE space.

Despite the tensions caused by the Cold War, Europe remained entirely free of armed conflict for decades. Regretfully, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, parts of the OSCE space descended into the maelstrom of inter-ethnic strife, while others were transformed into areas of instability. Despite these setbacks, Europe overall did not reverse course.

However, the existing framework must adapt to the changing circumstances of this dynamic period in history.

We can only succeed by working together to create an unbreakable peace for the 21^st century. Significantly, this will mean finding ways to address existing misconceptions and legitimate concerns in a fair and inclusive way. But make no mistake, in order to obtain an indivisible security architecture for the benefit of future generations, we will have to start acting now.

Let us therefore turn to the strategic task at hand: the true consolidation of security and cooperation in Europe.

Thank you for your attention.