Distinguished Guests,

Excellencies,

Dear Friends,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am honored to be the first ever Foreign Minister of the Republic of Serbia to visit this extraordinary country—a country that has traditionally offered an outstretched hand to all who seek the encouragement of the American example, the assistance of the American experience, and the friendship of the American people.

America has always looked to the future. From Winthrop’s vision of America as a shining city on a hill, Publius’s writings about the value and blessings of a union, and Lincoln’s legendary defense of its rebirth, to FDR’s persuasive case for a New Deal and JFK’s commitment to the New Frontier; from détente and the end of the Cold War to the New World Order and the balance of power that favors freedom—the United States has stood as the symbol of “a world quite new”, as Tocqueville put it, a world in which the democratic “habits of restraint” commingle with the prudence of those who exercise the craft of state.

That is why I want to frame my remarks to you this afternoon within a vision for the future. But I will also speak of the challenges we face in consolidating our democracy and the values that are at its foundation.

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We believe the values of democracy to be inherent in human identity. They frame our behavior and our way of thinking; they bring out our humanity—they allow what binds us together to come to the surface of our nature. They allow history to progress, and they allow the ennoblement of humankind to take shape.

And we believe that these values we share in common are self-evident truths.

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Our common values helped forge a relationship between Serbia and the United States that began more than 125 years ago. And our common values made sure we were strong allies in two World Wars. And then, in the first, hardest years of recovery from Hitler’s brutal occupation of our country, as Stalin sought to consolidate his grip in Eastern Europe, my country had the courage to stand up and say no to Stalin. And America supported us. And he blinked. And we preserved our freedom.

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Today, my country is doing everything in its power to pursue policies that will never again lead to war and misery for our people, for all our citizens, and for our whole region. That is why we are working so hard to reconcile with our neighbors, and fully cooperate with the Hague Tribunal—and why we are so dedicated to full European and Euro-Atlantic integration.

It’s because we know how terrible the price has been paid. We know what it means to have history wrap itself around your neck—and take a bite at your head—before you knew it had returned, before you even knew that some had said that history had come to an end.

So when we tell you—those of us who formed our central political experiences during the Balkan nightmare of the 1990s—when we tell you that there is a clear and present danger to the values we have fought so hard to reintroduce into the hearts and minds of our citizens—we expect you to hear us, and we expect you to trust us.

So hear me when I say that this may well be the last opportunity for the current generation to anchor the Western Balkans into the contemporary mainstream. We—the democratic leaders of Serbia—are the ones left holding the line. We are the torch bearers of the values that bind us to one another as rarely before in our history.

It is up to us, therefore—the new generation of leaders, to which I aspire to belong—to complete the final stage in the construction of a Europe that is truly whole, permanently free, and forever at peace.

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I believe that without the full consolidation of these values throughout the Balkans—values that men first put into practice on these shores—the international system would no longer stand on quite so solid a foundation—at least in our part of the world. The protective cloak of freedom would again give way to the divisive wall of nationalism.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Most of you are here because in one way or another you have a stake in our success.

I tried to sketch for you the broad outlines of what success in the Western Balkans means to us: the final triumph of the values we hold in common.

So much has already been achieved since the democratic overthrow of the tyranny of Milosevic in October 2000. We dug ourselves out of more than a decade of gross misrule, burdened by the legacy of being both a post-communist and a post-conflict society. Even the tragic assassination of the engine of our democratic success, the late Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, did not destroy our determination.

Consider that in all the elections held since October 2000—be they local, provincial, parliamentary or presidential—the democratic forces of Serbia have triumphed overwhelmingly. In less than seven short years, look at what we have accomplished:

• the reintroduction of democratic institutions;
• the restoration of the rule of law;
• the establishment of a market economy;
• the strengthening of human and minority rights;
• the dedication to locate, arrest, and hand-over all Hague indictees who are still at large;
• the unambiguous determination to move rapidly toward full European accession;
• and the drive toward active participation in NATO’s Partnership for Peace program and eventual NATO membership.

Yet there is one thing that can make it all go away—one thing that can reverse the tremendous progress that has been made.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The gains we as a country have made will likely be reversed if the imposition of the independence of Kosovo takes place. And if we falter, so will the rest of the region. For just as our success is virtually guaranteed to propel the Western Balkans forward, so a real danger exists that Serbia’s plunge back into her recent past could hurl the region back to the 1990s.

Should independence be imposed against the will of the democratic leadership of Serbia—and without the sanction of the UN Security Council—a whole host of ethnic and sectarian problems could again rise to the surface.

The Kosovo precedent would not just affect the Western Balkans. Throughout the world, existing conflicts could escalate, frozen conflicts could reignite, and new ones could be instigated.

And the doctrine of the forced partition of internationally recognized states—which is what imposing Kosovo’s independence on Serbia constitutes—would become an acceptable norm in the international system.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Some say that Kosovo is a unique case, but I simply don’t believe that’s true. An anchor of the international system would be cut away—despite all attempts to claim otherwise. For precedents cannot be announced or denied, they just happen.

The claim that Kosovo is a unique case rests on the assertion that a uniquely tyrannical regime ruthlessly oppressed a minority and denied them human rights. But there is nothing unique about Milosevic’s crimes in the recent annals of human history. Think only of Darfur, or Rwanda, or the case of the Kurds in Iraq.

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There is no doubt that Saddam’s crimes against the Kurdish minority, for example, were truly atrocious. But encouraging the forcible partition of Iraq does not advance the stability of the region, and therefore is not in the interest of any responsible stakeholder to support it. And that’s why no one has.

Now of course, one could say that the Middle East is not the Western Balkans, and that Iraq is not Serbia. But the parallels are striking and I think they deserve our consideration.

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On the question of Kosovo, the only responsible way forward is for the two sides to work patiently with the United States, the European Union and the Russian Federation—together with other stakeholders in the international system—and find a solution to Kosovo’s future status that is acceptable to us all.

We need to combine our resources and experiences to achieve a creative, compromise solution to the future status of Kosovo.

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Such a solution ought to be based on a number of mutually-reinforcing precepts, fundamentally rooted in the values we hold in common.

I will mention a few of the precepts that, taken together, would secure regional stability and make real the potential for prosperity to take hold in the Western Balkans—once and for all time. The solution to Kosovo’s future status must be sought within the framework of these precepts.

One, the consolidation of democracy in Serbia. As the pivot country in the region, we can assume the role of regional EU accession accelerator, but only if our democratic transition does not suffer a potentially fatal setback accrued through the imposition of Kosovo’s independence.

Two, the acceleration of the European and Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans.

Three, maintaining the inviolability of internationally-recognized borders and the respect of the sovereign equality of states, as enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the Helsinki Final Act, among other documents.

Four, the right to the broadest possible self-governance for the province’s Albanians. Internationally-guaranteed institutions ought to be established—institutions that provide for the administration of Pristina’s domestic affairs totally unimpeded by Belgrade.

Five, the international guarantee of human and minority rights for all residents of Kosovo. Conditions must be created for the sustainable return of the more than 200,000 mainly Kosovo Serb IDPs to the province.

Six, comprehensive efforts at reconciliation between Serbs and Albanians. The way forward lies in helping us confront the legacy of the 1990s, for the demonization and caricature of the other side is no way forward.

Seven, the international guarantee to safeguard the priceless cultural and religious heritage of the province, some of which has been placed on the UNESCO World Heritage list.

And eight—although in truth it underpins the previous seven—the unconditional commitment to forging a lasting, secure peace. This means an absolute commitment from all sides to the peaceful resolution of this issue. We need to commit to peace before we can make peace.

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These and other precepts point to the urgent need for the commencement of new negotiations. Negotiations that will have no threat of unilateralism; no unnecessary delays and no pre-set time limits; no pre-determined outcome; and result in no clear winners and losers.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Some say that it’s too late, that the time for negotiations has passed. But I say it’s never too late. Why would it ever be too late to find a solution that leads to regional peace and stability? It’s never too late to talk of the future—especially when it’s a future we share. Is it too late to talk of peace in the Middle East? Should we just give up? Walk away?

I don’t think we can.

I don’t think it’s too late to find a creative, balanced solution—a solution that advances the regional accession prospects of the entire region. A solution that promotes the consolidation of democratic values and institutions. A solution that advances the economic transformation of the Western Balkans, and the security architecture of all of Europe.

It’s not too late, for we all must be a part of a Trans-Atlantic solution, not a part of a Balkan problem. Serbia is ready, ready and capable to reach a historic compromise with the Albanians of Kosovo.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Some have said to Serbia, choose Europe or Kosovo. And if you choose Kosovo, you loose both. That’s an impossible choice, an indecent proposal to say the least, in the Europe of the twenty-first century.

I wonder what it would be like—what answer we would get—if the Kosovo Albanians were asked to choose between Europe and independence.

But I cannot subscribe to such black and white thinking, for our way is different. A post-Milosevic, pro-Western, genuinely democratic generation has been entrusted with the reigns of power in Belgrade, a generation that yearns for dialogue, concession, reconciliation and negotiations with Pristina. We don’t ignore the past, because a country with no past has no identity, and a country with no identity has no future—unless we define citizenship as just a group of people sharing a passport and postage stamps.

Our way of thinking embraces the hope of democracy, and our way of thinking looks forward to the future. And the way forward is to realize that our common denominator is Brussels. The future of all the citizens of Serbia—Serb or Albanian, Romanian or Hungarian, Roma or Bosniak—is in Europe and in NATO. That’s where our common destiny lies. That’s the ultimate logic of the common values we have embraced.

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“The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise to the occasion.” Those are the words of President Lincoln, and we should make them our own—as we work to restore our belief in ourselves, as we get to work to negotiate, and build, and renew. But an imposed solution is no answer, for it appeals to our worst fears, not our best hopes; to our warlike past, not our peaceful future.

Serbs and Albanians must find the courage to act in wisdom and in conscience, propelled by a hope that beckons us on in this time of trial. It is the path our ancestors were simply not ready to follow.

To build on this hope is a bold and solemn purpose. It requires men and women confident in their strength, compassionate in their hearts, clear in their minds, and steady in their vision.

President Eisenhower said that “to proclaim is easy. To serve will be hard.”

But I think we are ready.

The time is ripe for daring.

Excellencies,

Dear Friends,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am honored to be the first ever Foreign Minister of the Republic of Serbia to visit this great, European country.

I want to share with you my impression that Spain is one of Europe’s greatest success stories of the final quarter of the 20^th century.

What you have accomplished in the last several decades is truly extraordinary. I sincerely salute your achievements. Encouraged by your example and aided by your experience, Serbia too can leap into her European future.

And therefore, I want to frame my remarks to you this afternoon within a vision of such a future, taking account of the challenges we face in consolidating the European idea of democracy, the institutions that flow from it, the cooperation they entail, and the values that are at its foundation.

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Let me be absolutely clear at the outset: rapid EU accession is the Government of Serbia’s fundamental priority.

The EU is a remarkable accomplishment, one of humankind’s grandest political ideas ever put into practice. The accession process itself—in Serbia’s case, even the pre-accession process—can transform and enrich a society without robbing it of its distinct identity.

I speak of a Europe free of division and strife, a Europe where reconciliation is a force for good change. Because even while it looks forward, we cannot flourish without a full and open account of the past. That is why the Government of Serbia is fully cooperating with the ICTY, and why the few indictees still at-large must be located, they all must be arrested, and they all must be handed over to the Hague. That is going to continue being a priority of this Government.

With that in mind, allow me to refer to the visionary words spoken by your Sovereign less than a month before your country’s formal accession to the European Community, as it was then called.

Addressing the European Parliament in Strasbourg, King Juan Carlos spoke of the choice—the free choice—that Europe had made to seek a “unity founded on the entendimiento profundo between its peoples.” He spoke of the choice that Europe had made to seek “unity as an expression of the will to live in common, in peace and in liberty, and not simply as an agreement between governments.” And he spoke of unity “animated by a desire to maintain Europe as a guardian of liberty, democracy and human rights.”

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His words continue to shine in the glory of a noble truth that stands the test of time, experience, and dedication, and they continue to frame the vision of a strong, united and democratic Spain in a strong, united and democratic Europe.

The spirit in which these words were spoken frame my vision of Serbia, and the rest of the Western Balkans, fully integrated into the European Union.

Together, we can rededicate the meaning of His Majesty’s words. For I believe that the soft power of a united Europe confident in the way forward, certain of its place in the world, and secure in the truth of its ideas, stands as the guardian of a vision that will soon become—for the first time in its long history—a reality: a Europe that is truly whole, permanently free, and forever at peace.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We each strive to put into practice on a daily basis, our belief in the interdependence of democracy, individual liberty, the rule of law, and human and minority rights.

By embracing the grand idea of Europe, we embrace a heritage of invaluable books, documents, charters, and treaties that give shape to the civic, political, social and economic rights and obligations of both citizens and their states.

We embrace the cornerstone belief that these rights and obligations are indivisible, that they form parts of the same whole—and we embrace them as the only way to a more progressive, more tolerant, humane, transparent and inclusive Europe.

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A democracy of substance, then, is at the heart of the grand idea of Europe. Democracy is, to paraphrase Cervantes, a government of flesh and bone, a government walking shoulder to shoulder with each and every citizen with empathy and understanding, and a government that shares in their hopes and dreams, as Prime Minister Zapatero has put it.

Democracy is about equality, openness, pluralism and prosperity. Democracy is the only form of government in which human beings have a chance to justly live a purposeful, noble life.

And democracy is the only form of government in which the future is not a gift to be received, but an achievement to be made.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The task before Europe—its strategic duty—is to develop a concerted effort to articulate and pursue a comprehensive strategy—a strategy for a responsible international role in an interdependent but volatile world.

Europe needs to continue identifying itself with the quest for universal human dignity—something that the grand idea of Europe embodies—but something that also implies respect for the diversity of human traditions and values, and recognition that persisting injustices in the human condition must be remedied, all the while standing firm against the various threats of our way of life, such as terrorism.

There are no precedents for a comprehensive strategy thusly articulated, for Europe itself is an unprecedented adventure toward the achievement of the common good. The words of a Spanish poet Henry Kissinger likes to quote—Antonio Machado—rises to my mind. “Traveller”, it begins, “there are no roads. Roads are made by walking.”

There is a walk that we must begin together, and I want—in the final portion of my remarks to you this afternoon—to point towards the direction in which this unprecedented walk we must begin, ought to take place.

That walk along the road we must create together is the process by which we will determine the future status of Serbia’s southern province of Kosovo and Metohija, under United Nations administration since June 1999.

We can be comforted, however, by the knowledge that the ultimate destination is known in advance. That destination is the same for Kosovo as for the rest of Serbia—and all the Western Balkans. That destination is Europe, that is, full membership in the European Union.

The question before us, therefore, is how to achieve a solution to Kosovo’s future status that promotes the consolidation of the democratic values and institutions I spoke of. A solution that promotes the economic transformation of the Western Balkans and the security architecture of all of Europe. And a solution that respects both the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Serbia and the legitimate right of the Albanians in Kosovo to self-governance.

In Spain, I need not elaborate on the danger of proposed maximalist solutions to nationalist conflicts, of solutions that hint at violence if they are not accepted in their entirety, of solutions whose primary hypothetical beneficiaries see no need for dialogue, concession and reconciliation.

Rather, I need only point to the constitutional value you place on plurality—on your efforts to integrate diversity within an overall unity. And I need only mention one of your Constitution’s original purposes, namely ensuring peaceful coexistence and freedom. For you know very well that freedom for your Autonomous Communities and Cities is not the same as independence.

Yet the independence of Kosovo is precisely what some in the international community want to impose on Serbia, forgetting, it seems, that this would be nothing short of forcing the partition of our country upon us—an indecent proposal, to say the least, in the Europe of the twenty-first century.

The only way forward is to work patiently with you and the rest of the European Union—together with other stakeholders in the international system—and find a solution to Kosovo’s future status acceptable to all of us.

We need to combine our resources and experiences to achieve a creative, mutually acceptable, compromise solution to the future status of Kosovo.

____

Such a solution ought to be based on a number of mutually-reinforcing, European precepts.

One, the consolidation of democracy in Serbia. As the pivot country in the region, we can assume the role of regional accession accelerator, but only if our democratic transition does not suffer a potentially fatal blow accrued through the imposition of Kosovo’s independence.

Two, the acceleration of the European and Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans.

Three, maintaining the inviolability of internationally-recognized borders and the respect of the sovereign equality of states, as guaranteed by the United Nations Charter and the Helsinki Final Act. Their violation would create an awful precedent. A panoply of ethnic and sectarian problems would be opened. Throughout the world, existing conflicts could escalate, frozen conflicts could reignite, and new ones could be instigated.

Four, the right to self-governance of the province’s Albanians. Internationally-guaranteed institutions ought to be established that provide for the administration of Pristina’s domestic affairs unimpeded by Belgrade.

Five, the international guarantee of human and minority rights for all residents of Kosovo. Conditions must be created for the sustainable return of the more than 200,000 mainly Kosovo Serb IDPs to the province.

Six, comprehensive efforts at reconciliation between Serbs and Albanians. The way forward lies in helping us confront the legacy of the 1990s, for the demonization and caricature of the other side is no way forward. The time has come to tear down the exclusivist mythologies of the past.

Seven, the international guarantee to safeguard the priceless cultural and religious heritage of the province, some of which has been placed on the UNESCO World Heritage list.

And eight—although in truth it underpins the previous seven—the unconditional commitment to forging a lasting, secure peace. This means an absolute commitment from all sides to the peaceful resolution of this issue. Peace must be committed to, before it can be made.

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These and other precepts ought to form the basis for choosing the road not taken—the road of compromise and dialogue, respect and pluralism, tolerance and transparency. They point to the urgent need for new negotiations, negotiations that will have no threat of unilateralism; no unnecessary delays; no pre-determined outcome; and result in no clear winners and losers.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Everything I have just said about how to go about finding a solution to the future status of Kosovo—about the journey to be undertaken along a road we will make together, by walking side by side by side—flows from the inexorable logic of Europe and the promise of its grand idea.

For I say to you that Serbia wants to be a part of a European solution, not a part of a Balkan problem.

I want to reassure you that, in searching for such a solution, Belgrade will spare no effort. Hear me when I say that the new Serbian government is one that backs up its words with corresponding deeds. We are ready to start talks tomorrow, for no one should underestimate our capacity and readiness to reach a historic, compromise solution.

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I would like to close with the words of Averroes, a late 12^th century native of Cordoba and one of the greatest thinkers Iberia has ever produced. “True fullness is acquired only through the thing that has the noblest existence, namely that which participates most in truth.”

Another word for fullness is inclusiveness, a third is abundance. Europe is an inclusive abundance of the noblest of riches.

It is only within such a framework—the framework of Europe—that we can hope to succeed.

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Patience; boldness; deliberation. And truth, the thing that has the noblest existence. These are the virtues we need to call up and make use of, as we work together to achieve the promise of peace and prosperity that Europe delivers.

Opportunities will come. And they will multiply as they are seized. And as they multiply, they will fulfill their promise, they will have the noblest existence. That is the fullness of Averroes, that is what we owe to ourselves, and to our children.

Dear Mr. Chairman,

Distinguished MEPs,

Your Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I want to state at the very beginning—and with absolute clarity: full membership in the European Union is the first fundamental priority of the Government of the Republic of Serbia.

Sitting here before you, I anticipate the success to come. I anticipate it with a confidence born out of the knowledge that our purpose is good, that our purpose is right, and that our purpose is just.

In a very real way, Serbia is already taking part in the construction of Europe. The European scaffolding around the Western Balkans is coming down.

I feel your welcome and support. What is for certain, is that there is no going back. For us in the Western Balkans, the momentum is too great, for the tide has turned.

That is why I want to reassure you of my sincere dedication to work with all of you—and with the other European institutions as well as the member-states—to work on building a Europe that is genuinely free of division and strife. To work on building a Europe that is truly whole, permanently free and forever at peace.

I believe achieving this goal is the solemn duty of all in Europe who have dedicated themselves to public service. Failure in this endeavor must not be an option.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would like to share with you a part of my vision of the future of Serbia and the region. And I want to put this vision into a broader context—into the context of the end-point, into the context of our European accession. I also want to talk about the question of European values, of what these values mean to us. For the European Union is a remarkable accomplishment, one of humankind’s grandest political ideas ever put into practice.

As you know, Serbia has recently resumed its SAA talks—in no small part thanks to the efforts of many of you here present. I want to thank you for your support of Serbian democracy—and for your steadfast belief in our common future.

Once we conclude our SAA talks later this year, however, it is of great importance to us that we not only sign the SAA agreement as soon as possible, but that we are accorded official candidate status by the end of 2008.

Serbia is determined to keep to this schedule. We will do what needs to be done, but I ask for your help in making sure that bureaucratic obstacles do not get in the way.

This means foremost that we work together to ensure that 2009 is set as the year to start the actual talks on accession. If we maintain this pace, then by the end of this Government’s four year term—that is, May 2011—we expect to conclude much of the negotiations.

Distinguished MEPs,

I am aware that you will be discussing the Draft Report on Serbia right after this meeting. Please be assured that we stand ready to fulfill our obligations, and that we are confident we can count on your support as we progress along the integration path.

The Republic of Serbia highly values the opinion of the European Parliament. We are particularly grateful for your sustained engagement in facilitating the visa regime. I very much hope that this effort will extend to ensuring an efficient parliamentary procedure when the Agreement on Visa Facilitation and Readmission reaches you and your colleagues in the autumn.

We are counting on your support for visa liberalization in the near future. This is a priority issue for me, because I strongly believe that the only way to build a society based on European values is to have citizens—the true stakeholders of our vision—gain first-hand knowledge of what these values mean in practice.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As a democratic pillar of the Western Balkans, Serbia is working to advance a whole host of regional cooperation initiatives. One is the cross-border fight against organized crime and terrorism—grave threats to peace, stability and democratic development in the region and across the globe. Another is promoting programs of tolerance, inclusiveness and empowerment—for we must work to establish a level playing field for all.

But our broadest initiative centers on values. In the 21^st century, we in the Western Balkans must and will work together to overcome problems, not ignore them; make the difficult decisions, not avoid them; and join forces to build a better tomorrow, not scheme against each other in the illusory hope of restoring the mythic glories of the past.

Already, we have accomplished much in a short period of time.

We are working together to guard against the unrestrained exercise of power.

We are working to respect each other as sovereign states and as equal nations—and we are working to embrace the strength of humility and restraint.

We are learning to face the future with a bravery tempered by a moderation too often set to one side in our past.

And we are learning to blend passion with reason and courage and forethought.

We are introducing, in short, the tradition of European integration and the European practice of reconciliation.

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This brings me to the Hague—more specifically, to the Government of Serbia’s clear political will to fully cooperate with the ICTY.

All indictees must be located, they all must be arrested, and they all must be extradited.

I think nothing else shows as clearly the drive and determination with which we are pursuing our European future.

And I think nothing else shows as clearly the fundamental break with the 1990s that Serbia as a society has made.

Encouragingly, in every country throughout the region, national elections are no longer being won by dangerous extremists, but by parties whose explicit aim is to consolidate the European idea of democracy, the institutions that flow from it, the cooperation they entail, and the values that are its foundation.

Something in the Western Balkans has changed. Something profound has changed. The tide has turned.

Distinguished MEPs,

Democracy is about equality, openness, pluralism and prosperity. It’s not a value-neutral, mechanical process, but something higher. Our model of democracy is about a joint future held together by common values. It’s about human beings trying to justly live purposeful, noble lives. And it’s about respecting our common European heritage—an integral part of which is the active encouragement of diversity as a source of strength and a force for greater cohesion.

The coming into force of CEFTA—the region’s free trade accord—in January this year, speaks directly to the point. The goal is simple yet revolutionary for our post-conflict region: to facilitate regional trade liberalization and accelerate growth.

For CEFTA is the best preparation for joining the common European market. Through an increase in competition, we believe that our economies will, in time, stand a better chance of competing with the more developed European economies.

By raising the standard, by continuing down the path of economic reform, we can walk down the parallel path of democratic consolidation with greater ease and confidence.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The recent pace of regional transformation is breathtaking. And yet, all this could come to naught if we are not careful.

If we don’t work together to solve the central outstanding regional issue before us all—the future status of Kosovo—all our recent success, everything so many have worked so hard to accomplish, could come apart at the seams.

An imposed solution is not sustainable—for it would only sow the seed of the next conflict.

Should independence be imposed against the will of the democratic leadership of Serbia, it would create a panoply of ethnic and sectarian problems. The Kosovo precedent would not just affect the Western Balkans. Throughout the world, existing conflicts could escalate, frozen conflicts could reignite, and new ones could be instigated.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

What I want to make absolutely clear is that Belgrade will spare no effort in searching for a balanced solution. No one should underestimate our capacity and readiness to reach a historic compromise.

There is still time to pull away from the abyss’ edge—for a window of opportunity has been opened. If real negotiations take place in the near future, then I sincerely believe that a compromise, mutually acceptable, truly European solution, to the question of the future status of Kosovo can be reached.

Such a solution must respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia, while at the same time enable our ethnic-Albanian citizens in Kosovo to satisfy their legitimate demand for substantial self-governance. The solution must avoid, at all costs, an outcome that produces winners and losers in a region where revenge for perceived wrongs and losses has been a constant factor of instability.

Rather, the way forward must embrace a creative approach, because where there is no creativity, there is no vision. Europe itself is the product of a grand vision, of a grand idea, brought into existence through political steps achieved with patience and through consensus.

As in all important things, I believe that with patience, opportunities will come. And they will multiply as they are seized, as we work to make our own future, together.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me conclude by saying that it gives me great pleasure to express my deep appreciation to the European Parliament for supporting the EU membership perspective of the Republic of Serbia and all the Western Balkans.

Unmistakably, our place is in the European Union. Accession is our fundamental priority.

For Serbia, the EU integration process and the search for a compromise solution to the future status of Kosovo are separate issues. They should be treated as such. For in no way can Serbia accept a choice between the EU and Kosovo.

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Standing here before you—having spoken of the achievements we have made, the cooperation we have fostered, the challenges before us, and the progress still to come—I reflect on the fact that none of this could have been possible even a few years ago. But the tide has indeed turned.

The great Serbian scientist Nikola Tesla wrote in the margins of a notebook that “throughout space there is energy. The future will be ours when man succeeds in attaching his machinery to the very wheelwork of nature.”

I say that future is now. I say the European hour of the Balkans is upon us.

So let us harness the energy around us, tame it to suit our noble purpose, strengthen our resolve, and together move the region strongly towards its future in the machinery that is Europe.

Thank you for your attention.

Address to

The Council of Europe Forum for the Future of Democracy

by H.E. Mr. Vuk Jeremić

Chairman of the Committee of Ministers of

the Council of Europe

Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia

Stockholm, 13 June 2007

Mr. Chairman,

Fellow Ministers,

Your Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Dear Friends,

I am honoured to address you in my capacity as the Chairman of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe.

The theme of this Session of the Forum for Democracy is the interdependence of democracy and human rights. The aim, as I understand it, is to “strengthen democracy, political freedoms and citizens’ participation through the exchange of ideas, information and examples of best practices.”

Therefore, I feel that it is particularly appropriate that we find ourselves in the Kingdom of Sweden. According to The Economist magazine’s democracy index, Sweden stands at the top of the democracy rankings. Democracy has truly been at home in this country, from the instauration of the Age of Freedom in the early seventeen-hundreds, right up to the present day.

I can only hope that this meeting will be a source of inspiration for continued debate not only here in Sweden but throughout the 47 member-states of the Council of Europe, and even beyond. So allow me to wish you much success for fruitful deliberations during this Forum.

Our hosts—the Government of Sweden, the Swedish Parliament and the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions—have provided marvelous settings in which we can journey together to strengthen dialogue and participation for the future of democracy.

Before proceeding, let me say that during the four years of our membership in the Council of Europe, the institutions and values on which the Council was founded—and from which it continues to draw strength—have significantly contributed to the democratic consolidation of the social, political and constitutional fabric of the Republic of Serbia.

That is why my country remains fully committed to making significant progress on building a Europe without divisions, without borders—on building a Europe where not only states and politicians, but also citizens, the true stakeholders of our vision, join together to deepen the values we all share. Only in this way can we form a European-wide community for a common democratic future.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The European Convention on Human Rights and the European Social Charter are two of the most important instruments at our disposal to fully put into practice our vision of the grand idea of Europe, namely that democracy is interdependent with individual liberty, the rule of law, and human and minority rights.

These invaluable documents enumerate the civic, political, social and economic rights and obligations of both citizens and their states, taking care to portray these rights and obligations as indivisible, as part of the same whole—and promoting them as the way to a more advanced, more tolerant, humane and inclusive Europe.

I believe that an inclusive Europe is a Europe that helps empower local communities and individuals by establishing a level playing field for all. It is a Europe in which the equality of opportunity of all citizens is a reality, a Europe in which marginalized and vulnerable groups of all types have been empowered, a Europe in which the often invisible barriers to the full participation of everyone in the political, social and economic life of our democratic societies, is assured in practice.

Often we hear about the democratic deficit that disaffected citizens across the continent feel and have come to resent. One potential solution is e-democracy, a topic of both this year’s and next year’s Forum. As you know, the Committee of Ministers has already proposed recommendations on two aspects of e-democracy, namely e-voting and e-governance.

E-democracy could fundamentally redefine the practice of democracy just as the ideas of Montesquieu redefined democratic theory in the eighteenth century. The prudent use of modern information technologies could end up enriching and invigorating the democratic marketplace of ideas, making it a more open and transparent, a more accessible, and a more inclusive space than ever before. But we must devote great care to remain in control of this great potential for progressive cohesion. Otherwise the dangers that the abuse of these technologies could bring could quite simply overwhelm us.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I will not enumerate all the initiatives undertaken by the Council of Europe to advance the ideas and practices of democracy. I am sure that the President of the Parliamentary Assembly, Mr. van der Linden, and the President of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, Mr. Skard, will provide you with an overview of the Organization’s numerous works at the parliamentary and local government level.

On the intergovernmental side I have already mentioned our work on e-democracy. The Committee of Ministers also vigorously defends freedom of expression and association, fighting for the elimination of discrimination and promoting parity. We continue to actively support the role of NGOs in the democratic process. In fact, later this year the Committee of Ministers will adopt a recommendation on the Legal Status of NGOs in Europe in order to provide guidance to member-states on this issue.

As you know, the Committee of Ministers attaches greatest importance to discussions conducted at sessions of the Forum on the Future of Democracy. Some have led to specific actions by the Council of Europe and its institutions. I recall that an initiative was taken to elaborate a Code of Good Practices for Political Parties at the Forum’s Moscow session, which also included discussions on issues such as political parties financing and electoral campaign funding.

In this respect I would like to highlight that the Council of Europe’s Group of States Against Corruption—or GRECO for short—is presently carrying out a monitoring exercise of its member-states on the funding of political parties, taking as its starting point the Committee of Ministers’ Recommendation on that subject adopted in 2003. GRECO’s findings will provide a rich source for further discussion on this subject.

My Fellow Europeans,

Each one of us, in his or her own way, strives to put into practice our belief in the interdependence of democracy, individual liberty, the rule of law, and human and minority rights.

I personally believe that it is in that spirit that the May 2005 Warsaw Summit of Heads of State and Government, its Declaration, and the adopted Action Plan, should be examined, together with the work of the Committee of Ministers and the various chairmanships. In fact, one of the concrete results achieved at Warsaw was the establishment of this very Forum.

Allow me then to share with you my conviction that what makes a country democratic is not the mere holding of elections. Democracy is not a value-neutral, mechanical process, but something higher. Twenty-first century democracy is about living together in a community of shared values, not living side by side as strangers merely sharing a passport, a flag, and an anthem.

A democracy of substance is the grand idea of Europe. Democracy is not “the last best hope on earth,” as Abraham Lincoln defined it. In my opinion, it is something more, much more. Democracy is about equality, openness, pluralism and prosperity. Democracy is the only regime in which human beings have a chance to justly live a purposeful, noble life. And democracy is—as Thomas Hammarberg, the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights, put it in an issue paper prepared for this session of the Forum—democracy is the best form of government for the protection of human rights.

My friends,

Forming a community for a common democratic future based on shared values is our task.

This means that we understand that the future is not a gift to be received, but an achievement to be made.

It means that we respect our common European heritage—but it also means that we encourage diversity as a source of strength and a force for progressive cohesion.

It means building a democratic Europe free of division and strife, a Europe where reconciliation is a force of good, not an exercise in political correctness. Because even while it looks forward, European democracy cannot flourish without a full and open account of the past. That is why I say as Foreign Minister of the Republic of Serbia that my country is strongly committed to full and immediate cooperation with the ICTY. All indictees must be located, arrested, and extradited.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me say a few more words in my capacity as Serbia’s Foreign Minister.

In my remarks so far, I have referred to the grand idea of Europe, to the notion that the values we espouse as Europeans give us the chance to build a democracy of substance—to build a form of government in which its citizens have a chance to justly live a purposeful, noble life. This achievement to come, this community of shared values—it is within our grasp. Do not let talk of democratic deficits or bureaucratic proceduralism discourage you, for those who say such things offer no alternative, and say it cannot be done.

But how can we know unless we try?

Try we must, on an issue of paramount significance for the future of Europe’s security architecture. The way we handle this issue will say much about our willingness to act according to the values we say are our own.

That issue is the future status of Kosovo and Metohija.

What does this have to do with the grand idea of Europe?

It is complicated. For as long as anyone can remember, Kosovo and Metohija has been multi-lingual, multi-ethnic, and multi-confessional. And for as long as anyone has been paying attention, one group has dominated the others. Right now, our province’s Albanians dominate the Serbs. A few years ago, the Serbs dominated the Albanians. A few years before that, again, the Albanians dominated the Serbs. And so on and so forth—all the way back. It’s as if a social wall of separation, of prejudice, between the communities was erected many centuries ago, held together with a glue whose magic ingredient was oppression. And it is our job to tear down the wall—the final wall in Europe.

That is why this has everything to do with the grand idea of Europe.

Look at the arguments both sides are making. One side says, international law is on our side, and by the way, it is the cradle of our civilization: the province is our Jerusalem. The other side says, we are in the majority, and recent history, in which you were the villains, teaches us that we cannot live together. The first side replies by saying that the villain who persecuted you is dead, and do not forget that we overthrew his regime. Now, more than ever before, we’re willing to live in peace, together, under a common sovereign roof, but we’re willing to fundamentally respect your right to govern your own internal affairs.

On a personal level, I must say to you that the failure, so far, to come together and agree on a common future is a great disappointment.

Yet I feel that a window of opportunity was recently opened in Belgrade—for Serbia has formed a new majority government. This government’s central strategic priority is the achievement of a European future—not only for Serbia—but for all the Western Balkans.

And Serbia believes that the opportunity to once and forever grasp the common destiny that we have always shared is due in large part to the EU membership perspective that is within the region’s reach. Without this credible and clear perspective, the external incentives to reform and cooperate disappear. The Western Balkans could return to division and strife—and hatred, and war, and terrible misery. Stability would not take root, and prosperity would remain illusive.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I want to emphasize Serbia’s determination to find a mutually acceptable, compromise solution to the question of the future status of Kosovo and Metohija—precisely because we believe so passionately in the grand idea of Europe, in the tradition of European integration, and in the European practice of reconciliation.

But I equally want to make clear that no imposed solution is sustainable, because it will become the seed of the next conflict. Additionally, an imposed solution would establish the precedent that great powers can impose their will on the internationally recognized borders of other countries.

I say to you that no solution is sustainable unless it is acceptable to all genuine stakeholders. Otherwise, a crucial piece in the security architecture of the region will be missing, and it will be irreplaceable.

I have to be frank: Europe cannot move forward on this issue without imagination, because where there is no imagination, there is no vision. Europe is the product of a vision, and of political steps achieved with patience and through consensus—informed by that very same vision. Europe goes forward boldly, but patiently.

But when it comes to Kosovo and Metohija, the right combination of boldness and deliberation just hasn’t been made yet. What is needed, it seems to me, is a little more patience.

We have to find a compromise solution. We simply must get it right. It’s the only way to a sustainable future for Kosovo and Metohija, for the rest of Serbia, for the Western Balkans—and in a way that I hope I have laid out for you this afternoon, for all of Europe. This solution cannot be independence.

My Fellow Europeans,

The time is now. Let us put our minds, our hearts, and our souls at work.

Patience, boldness, deliberation. These are the virtues we need to call up and make use of.

By working together, we can ensure that conflict and war in Europe never happen again.

Let’s try to live up to the grand idea of Europe, the idea that only together can we make Europe truly whole, permanently free and always at peace.

Thank you for your attention.