Mr. Chairman,

Dear Colleagues,

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would like to start by thanking our Romanian colleagues for the excellent organization of this important event, for their warm hospitality, and for their activism during their chairmanship over the Central European Initiative. I would also like to wish every success to our good friends from Montenegro, as they take over in 2010.

We are here to mark the 20th anniversary of the founding of CEI, the first multilateral cooperation forum to be established after the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Gathering mere days after the world’s ultimate fault line was brought down, foreign ministers from Belgrade, Budapest, Rome and Vienna came together to establish a platform for mutual support called the Quadragonal Cooperation.

Yugoslav diplomacy, at the time headed by Mr. Budimir Lončar, played a decisive role in bringing to life our unique institution—the original bridge across a formerly divided continent, the first practical consequence of the end of the Cold War. As Mr. Lončar said in his opening remarks two decades ago in the Hungarian capital, “this is a worthwhile initiative, one that announces a good, new beginning, […] an economic and political foundation upon which a common, all-European home can be built.”

Serbia is proud to be a successor to one of the founders of the Initiative, and I note with pleasure that representatives of all the former Yugoslav republics are in attendance here today. Serbia shares this legacy with them equally. It is a common experience we should proudly celebrate.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The intent of the CEI founders was to seize the initiative and exercise leadership in consolidating the gains of 1989. It ended up being only a partial success, for the Western Balkans soon took a wrong turn. A missed opportunity led to a great tragedy.

After a devastating decade of war, and political and economic isolation, democracy arrived in our lands, raising the prospect of completing the European construction.

Today, we are hopeful of success; we feel it is within our reach. We know the world is in the midst of another transformative period, in some ways comparable to 1989. This time, we are determined not to let events pass us by. We stand resolute in wanting to join the European Union as soon as possible. This is the central strategic priority of the Republic of Serbia.

We believe the Central European Initiative can help us achieve our goal more rapidly. As a conduit for regional cooperation, it continues to serve as an important link between EU member states in the region, and the aspirant countries.

Today, the Initiative has become a focal point in our quest to consolidate regional trust, by working together on concrete projects, as partners seeking a common future.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Serbia has worked very hard to get to this point, in the face of numerous obstacles and against overwhelming odds. As the region’s accession accelerator, we have worked to help bring the entire Western Balkans closer to the EU. The Central European Initiative has been an important vehicle in this effort.

We have promoted political integration through fora such as the Southeast Europe Cooperation Process, and the Regional Cooperation Council. We have also taken the lead in ensuring the Alliance of Civilizations has a strong and vibrant regional context, by working together to foster inter-cultural dialogue and complete the painful process of reconciliation.

We have also encouraged economic integration through completing cross-border infrastructure projects like Corridors VII and X, and through institutions such as CEFTA—the Central European Free Trade Accord—as well as, for instance, the Agreement on the Energy Community, the Southeast Europe Transport Community Agreement, Open Skies, and the Europe Strategy on the Danube River.

All of these were initiated and supported by CEI member states, confirming the continued relevance of this organization. It has played a sort of a clearinghouse role in the context of the on-going process of European enlargement. That is why Serbia would like to see the European Commission assume a more active posture in the CEI, believing this would help us all move closer to actualizing our common strategic objective.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me turn to the significance of the conference that will take place in Brussels on December 9th, co-chaired by the Swedish EU Presidency and the European Commission. Its strategic aim is contained in its title: “Overcoming the Economic Crisis: From Regional Cooperation to EU Membership.” Coming quickly on the heels of the activation of the Lisbon Treaty, I believe it will serve to remind us all of the dedication to keep the region’s EU perspective high on the Brussels agenda.

We know the next few months will place great demands on European institutions, yet we believe this period of adjustment will quickly result in building a firmer foundation for EU enlargement in the Western Balkans.

In this context, I would like to underline our strong support for the idea of the forthcoming Spanish Presidency to hold an EU-Western Balkans summit in May 2010—one that would build on the Thessaloniki Agenda of 2003, and, we hope, re-create, on more solid ground, the sense of imminent belonging to Europe that is required for this region to move decisively towards membership in the EU.

Such a summit would banish the creeping accession fatigue already being felt in some corners of the Western Balkans, and it would shatter the perception that the region is about to be put on hold.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The 20^th anniversary of the Central European Initiative seems to be an appropriate place to start talking about how to prepare for the next EU accession wave. In a way, this forum is where the enlargements to the east began to be contemplated, and where the conversation about its completion should commence.

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When it comes to moving the European agenda forward, some define themselves as enthusiasts or skeptics, others as optimists or pessimists. I am none of these. As Jean Monnet once said, “I am not an optimist, I am determined.” The historical record has demonstrated that success did not come about by sitting back, by being passive, by waiting for the tide to turn. It came about by combining leadership and imagination.

And that is how it must stay. For all of us to come together, under one roof, as part of a single family, promoting the same values, and sharing common interests. Let there be no doubt: Serbia remains absolutely committed to fulfilling its European destiny, with all deliberate speed.

Thank you very much.

Mr. Chairman,

Distinguished Parliamentarians,

Your Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Thank you very much for inviting me to address you today.

I want to start by saying that the Republic of Serbia is fundamentally committed to fulfilling its European destiny—for reasons of geography, heritage, and economic prosperity for sure, but perhaps above all because of the core values we hold in common.

Arguably, the most basic of these values is the renunciation of war as a means of resolving disputes in Europe.

Indeed, the project to bind in peace and consent the states of this continent managed to bring to an end centuries-old feuds, divisions and disagreements.

The EU has become a safe guardian of the richness and complexity of distinct national pasts, which tie them all to a shared present, and point the way to a common, prosperous future. At the same time, it has come to serve as the guarantor of the equality of conditions and rights—as embodiments of the principles of solidarity and democracy.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Serbia’s central strategic priority remains the achievement of full EU membership.

Our domestic debate about where we want to go is over. Two national elections were held in Serbia last year—one presidential, the other parliamentary. For our country, these were referenda about how to interact with the world of today. Our citizens were given a clear choice between two opposite ways forward. And they decided to cast their vote for a European future. Twice.

Serbia has worked very hard to get to this point, in the face of numerous obstacles and against overwhelming odds.

Much has been achieved, as the latest Commission progress report on Serbia makes clear. It is not perfect, but then nothing is. However, it is the best we have ever had. It is a truly positive statement on how much has been accomplished in the past twelve months.

We are greatly encouraged by the Commission’s assessment that Serbia is fully committed to get into the European Union, underlining decisive across-the-board progress in all fields of interest.

While the fact that the Interim Agreement with the EU remains frozen is a profound handicap, we are pleased with the conclusions drawn by the Commission’s most recent Enlargement Strategy. It complements my country for voluntarily “building a track record in implementing the provisions of the Interim Agreement and [for] undertaking key political reforms in line with European standards.”

I wish to highlight the Strategy’s conclusion: “Serbia has […] made efforts to implement an ambitious programme for European integration, […] and has the administrative capacity to make substantial progress towards the EU.”

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Serbia has not focused on advancing its own EU membership perspective to the exclusion of others. Despite on-going difficulties, we have also worked to help bring the entire Western Balkans closer to Brussels, through enhancing regional cooperation.

We have promoted economic integration through completing cross-border infrastructure projects like Corridors VII and X, and through institutions such as CEFTA—the Central European Free Trade Accord—as well as, for instance, the Agreement on the Energy Community, the Southeast Europe Transport Community Agreement, and the Europe Strategy on the Danube River.

Serbia has continued taking all possible measures to ensure that extremist demagoguery never again infects the hearts and minds of the peoples of the Western Balkans.

Individuals from all sides committed heinous war crimes in the 1990s, wrecking havoc throughout the region. Serbia has worked hard to complete the process of reconciliation. That is why, for example, President Boris Tadic traveled to Srebrenica on the 10^th commemoration of the war crime that took place there, and bowed to the victims of this terrible deed.

And that is why Serbia has fully cooperated with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. We do not consider it simply a legal obligation, but a moral and political duty—to our neighbors and the world, of course, but foremost to ourselves. Let there be no doubt, we will keep at it until the remaining indictees are no longer at large.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would like to turn to what is at this moment perhaps our most important achievement: visa liberalization.

This past July, the European Commission proposed that Serbia be placed on the White Schengen List. Having fulfilled all the benchmarks, we are eagerly awaiting a formal decision by the EU Council in December, on the basis of consultations with this Parliament.

If present expectations are fulfilled, the citizens of Serbia will start moving freely throughout the continent as of January 1^st, 2010.

Let me emphasize that being able to get a first-hand impression of Europe is particularly important for my country’s younger generations, who grew up in an atmosphere of political and economic isolation.

They will now be able to visit their relatives on a moment’s notice; go to a conference in Berlin without having to demonstrate they can make their mortgage payments; or be asked to provide their employment history in order to swim in the Aegean.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As immensely important as the freedom to travel is, we cannot stop there. It is crucial that momentum for Serbia’s EU integration, and that of the entire Western Balkans, is sustained.

Yet we are afraid that some may still hold the view that taking a break after Croatia joins the Union is an action Europe must take.

Whilst I do understand such sentiments, I do respectfully beg to disagree. As a matter of fact, I believe nothing could be worse than putting the rest of the region on standby.

A new psychological fault line would appear across the Western Balkans. The cost to Europe’s credibility would be immeasurable. Enlargement fatigue in member states would result in accession fatigue amongst the aspirants.

This must be prevented. In all candor, while many Europeans speak of unfinished business in the Balkans, we all have to work together in making sure the Balkans do not become the unfinished business of Europe.

The best way forward is to start taking concrete steps towards actual European accession—not just for my country, but for the entire region—in the very near future.

In this context, we consider that the groundwork has been laid for Serbia to submit its official application for EU membership. We aim to do so by the end of the year.

We are aware of certain misgivings out there, and we do understand how they have come about. Nevertheless, we believe that the time has come to move forward. Every inhabitant of the Western Balkans should be a citizen of the European Union, and every effort should be made in that direction at all deliberate speed.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The last time I spoke before this Committee, some MEPs expressed fears that our adamant opposition to UDI—the unilateral declaration of independence by the ethnic-Albanian authorities of our southern province of Kosovo—would negatively affect regional stability.

These have not materialized, since we chose to act responsibly.

Our principled position on Kosovo remains the same. The Republic of Serbia will never, under any circumstances, implicitly or explicitly, recognize UDI. This is our Constitutional obligation, as well as our democratic duty. On this fundamental point, our nation is united as one.

At the same time, we have underlined our commitment to respond to the attempt at secession in a constructive, non-confrontational manner, through law and diplomacy.

This strategic decision constitutes a paradigm shift in favor of peace in the Balkans. For the first time in the history of our region, an issue of such fundamental importance and complexity—passionately involving all at once identity, boundaries, communal rights, opposing historical narratives—was steered clear of resorting to the force of arms.

From the very onset of this grave crisis, a part of our strategy was to compartmentalize the issue. To that end, we turned to the instruments of peaceful adjudication. Through the UN General Assembly, we asked the International Court of Justice to rule on whether Kosovo’s UDI is in accordance with international law.

By transferring the UDI issue to the judicial arena, we demonstrated how we want to manage political differences. In our view, this represents a role model for contemporary conflict resolution—one that could be applied anywhere in the world where the divides are deep, the historical burdens heavy, and the issues involved go to the very heart of defining one’s national identity.

We also invested significant efforts to constructively engage with institutions operating within the framework of Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), such as EULEX. We have agreed to focus on resolving practical matters on the ground in a status-neutral manner, to the benefit of all residents of the province.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Before coming to the end of my remarks, I would like to address recent developments in Bosnia and Hercegovina.

The Republic of Serbia will continue to strictly respect our neighbor’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We are working to encourage representatives of all the three constituent peoples to find a way for the country to reform itself, so as to be able to accelerate the pace of its EU accession—a strategic priority shared by all.

We have made it clear that we will support whatever arrangement is acceptable to all parties, stressing the need for pragmatism.

Consensus-building is a core 21^st-century European value and decision-making principle, aptly illustrated by the fact that on important institutional changes, all must give their consent. Sometimes this takes longer than one would like, as the Lisbon Treaty ratification process reminds us. But at the end of the day, agreement is reached—enabling everyone to move forward together.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Throughout my remarks to you this afternoon, I have been aiming to put the European future of my country and the Western Balkans in a broad strategic context, and emphasize the need to take concrete steps towards membership.

I have done so as a firm believer in the EU—as someone who wants his country to join not out of fear of being left out, but out of pride and confidence in our ability to contribute to the full consolidation of peace and stability in the Old Continent.

____

In a few days, Serbia will join the celebrations marking the 20^th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. November 9^th, 1989, will always symbolize the seminal moment when—without a shot being fired—the Cold War came to an end.

For many of us in the Western Balkans, that date also stands for something else: a missed opportunity leading to a great tragedy.

Today, the world is in the midst of another transformative period. This time, we in the Western Balkans are determined not to let the opportunity pass us by, and stand resolute in wanting to join the European Union as soon as possible.

____

Having come to the end of my remarks, I leave you with the words of Jovan Skerlic—one of Serbia’s most respected parliamentarians—who wrote at the turn of the last century that “to make democracy a truly living, breathing reality, we have to uplift the consciousness of freedom of all men and women who seek to breathe the fresh air of life lived to the fullest.”

For me, that is what the European project will be once we complete it. To “uplift the consciousness of freedom” means to lay aside the antiquated view of democracy as a value-neutral, mechanical process. It means to aim higher and do better, to seek concord and build bridges. And it means finding a way to live life in true solidarity with one another, in a community of shared values that are as lofty as they are profound, and common interests that are as compelling as they are just.

Now comes our time of testing.

I am confident we will seize the strategic opportunity the present moment offers to the bold and the confident. It is ours to grasp it and nurture it, so that it grows strong and good.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to address the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament.

Mr. President, thank you for convening this session of the Security Council.

Excellencies, once again we are gathered to discuss the situation in the Serbian province of Kosovo.

At the very beginning, I would like to express my country’s deep gratitude to the substantial majority of UN member States that respect Serbia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The solidarity we have received from all over the globe encourages us to persevere in our efforts to resolve the future status of Kosovo peacefully, in a way that is acceptable to all responsible stakeholders.

Our principled position on our province’s future status remains the same. Serbia will never recognize UDI—the February 17^th, 2008, unilateral declaration of independence by the ethnic Albanian authorities in Pristina.

This remains our political, moral and legal obligation. And it is also our democratic duty, for our nation is united as one on this fundamental point.

The Kosovo case is a significant test for the world community—for there is a choice to be made here, between unilateralism and consensus. UDI is a challenge that we must work together to overcome, for the sake of peace and stability, and in the name of international law.

The UN General Assembly tasked the ICJ—the International Court of Justice—to determine whether UDI conforms to international law. The crucial stage in the legal process is just about to begin.

This is the first time in history that the Court will rule on the legality of an attempt at secession by an ethnic group from a UN member State in peacetime.

It is also the first time all five Permanent Members of this Council will participate in a proceeding before the Court.

The total number of actors that will present their views in The Hague is a record for the ICJ, exceeding even the figure in the cases involving the legality of the use of nuclear weapons.

There is therefore little doubt that the Court’s conclusions will have over-arching consequences for the international legal order.

It is in this context that Serbia appeals to all UN member States to respect the fact that the International Court of Justice is actively considering the UDI issue. It is our shared duty to ensure that the Court’s deliberations are not pre-judged. The ICJ proceedings should be allowed to run their course, unhindered by political pressures, such as further recognitions of Kosovo’s UDI.

Mr. President,

I would like to welcome the presence of Special Representative Lamberto Zannier, and wish to underline the Secretary-General’s assertion—contained in the present report—that “UNMIK has successfully concluded its reconfiguration” on July 1^st of this year. It has now reached the end-state of its draw-down.

The United Nations remains an indispensable actor in Kosovo. It is therefore critical that this Council continues to support UNMIK’s presence as a crucial pillar of peace and stability.

The exercise of UNMIK’s external representation function remains especially important. Its role is critical for regional organizations such as CEFTA and the RCC to function in accordance with established procedures.

Moreover, the UN’s ability to work effectively with EULEX must remain unconstrained. That is why it is important for the amendments to the UNMIK budget for the next fiscal year passed by the General Assembly to be fully applied, and for all vacant positions to be filled as soon as possible.

Mr. President,

Serbia strongly believes that disagreements on status must not impede the determination to act together on improving the lives of all residents in the province.

We have proactively worked with all legitimate actors on the ground in Kosovo, while ensuring our Constitutional red lines are not crossed.

I am pleased that the report commends Belgrade’s policy of constructive engagement, by acknowledging our “pragmatic approach” to the resolution of practical issues.

Mr. President,

Commitments made in this chamber should be honored. What is agreed in and welcomed by the Security Council must be implemented in full—from resolution 1244 (1999) to the Secretary-General’s Six Point Plan, to which I will now turn.

I begin with Police, where I wish to highlight two important developments that took place during the reporting period, in furtherance of applying this crucial segment of the Secretary-General’s Plan.

First, virtually all Kosovo Serb police officers returned to their posts as a direct consequence of our engagement. This has contributed to an improvement in the security situation throughout the province—especially in the Serbian enclaves in the South.

The second important development concerns the signing of the Protocol on Police Cooperation between the Serbian Ministry of the Interior and EULEX. The Protocol is based on the best practices of our long-standing cooperation with UNMIK Police on these matters. It is entirely status neutral, and fully conforms to resolution 1244 (1999). Its implementation will greatly contribute to the fight against organized crime and terrorism in Kosovo—an area that continues to be the hub of a sinister international network of arms, drugs, and human traffickers.

On Judiciary, despite some constructive preliminary discussions with UNMIK and EULEX, we have regretfully not been able to move forward on issues such as determining the territorial jurisdiction of the Court in Mitrovica, the appointments of judges and prosecutors designed to reflect the ethnic communities they would serve, and the applicability of UNMIK law. It is our hope that our talks will intensify in the time ahead, for consensual solutions must be found, in accordance with the provisions of the November 2008 report.

On a number of other fronts, cooperation has deepened. For example, Special EULEX Prosecutors and Serbia’s War Crimes Prosecutors have intensified collaboration on serious cases. These include organ harvesting committed by the KLA on ethnic Serb civilians in the well-publicized “Yellow House,” and the infamous KLA-run jails and liquidation centers in places like Klečka in the Lipljan municipality.

With respect to the delicate matter of Customs, we have also achieved some results. Technical cooperation between Belgrade and EULEX has proceeded smoothly, as information is exchanged regularly on topics of mutual concern, such as smuggling. However, progress on the important issue of revenue collection and how it will benefit relevant communities has been more limited. We hope that, in the months ahead, we can come to workable arrangements with our UNMIK and EULEX partners, within the framework endorsed by this Council in November 2008.

Mr. President,

Concerning Administrative Lines and Security, I would like to acknowledge the useful role played by KFOR. Serbia will continue to act as its reliable partner, in accordance with resolution 1244 (1999) and the Kumanovo Military-Technical Agreement.

KFOR’s status-neutral presence in the province is still required in order to protect Kosovo Serb enclaves and our holy sites from threats, incursions and attacks. According to Annex I of the report before us this afternoon, a handover of responsibility from KFOR to the Kosovo Police is being envisaged at the Gazimestan memorial monument to our martyred heroes. Serbia strongly opposes such plans. Gazimestan is hallowed ground for the Serbian nation, and KFOR has done an exemplary job in protecting it. It is critically important that they continue to guard it, together with other holy sites.

Concerning Transportation and Infrastructure, the Serbian Government has worked hard to resolve pressing electrical energy issues. As a result of our active engagement with UNMIK and the OSCE, the disconnection policies that discriminated against the Kosovo Serb community highlighted in the report have been rectified. Consequently, a vast majority of Serbian enclaves and monastic communities in the South have had their power restored.

Yet the critically important issue of facilitating the entry and transport of Serbian officials into the province remains unresolved.

It is difficult to imagine how we can positively contribute to developments on the ground, if our ability to work closely with the Kosovo Serb community throughout the province is hindered.

We must find a way to overcome this obstacle in a status neutral manner, consistent with resolution 1244 (1999).

Mr. President,

Regarding Serbian Patrimony—the last of the Six Points—we would like to salute UNMIK’s “efforts to achieve durable solutions for the protection of Serbian heritage in Kosovo,” to quote from the report, as well as its good-faith attempts to work with other legitimate stakeholders in this sensitive field.

The Serbian Government and the Serbian Orthodox Church have fully supported the renewal and restoration of our holy sites, conducted under the auspices of UNESCO and the Reconstruction and Implementation Council, chaired by the Council of Europe.

Unfortunately, the precarious state of Serbian Patrimony remains a deeply troubling part of the reality on the ground in Kosovo.

For instance, local officials in the town of Decane continue to defy the international community. They have repeatedly refused to restore the cadastral record of land belonging to the monastery of Visoki Decani—a UNESCO World Heritage Site that has been placed on its List of World Heritage in Danger. Judges have been intimidated in connection with this case, while a public disinformation campaign orchestrated by KLA War Veterans’ Associations claimed the monastery “represents centuries-old Albanian cultural heritage […] taken over by the Serbs in the 19^th century.” It is deeply regrettable that no one from Pristina has chosen to condemn such dangerous distortions, and set the record straight once and for all.

In August of this year, the whole-scale pillaging of the largest medieval hermitage complex in the mountains above our ancient capital of Prizren took place.

This unique and now-abandoned monastic center was built by the Serbian ascetic Saint Peter of Koriška, and dates back to the early decades of the 13^th century. Frescos were damaged and altars were vandalized. In one of the pictures taken at the scene, we see carved into a wall the acronym “UÇK”—meaning the Kosovo Liberation Army.

The extent of the material damage is still being documented. What is beyond dispute is that the perpetrators succeeded in debasing our faith, and destroying yet another part of our patrimony. Unfortunately, the authorities claim they have no leads, and no arrests have been made.

Ethnic Albanian authorities are still refusing to reconsider the outrageous decision to pave-over with concrete the remains of the twice-destroyed Serbian church in the center of Djakovica—thus compounding physical destruction with the attempt to erase every trace of its existence.

This is the third time I am raising the issue in this chamber. Is it possible that the international community is powerless to get this awful deed reversed? Do we have the will to undo this act of cultural cleansing?

Once again, Excellencies, we ask for your help.

Mr. President,

It is our assessment that our UNMIK and EULEX partners largely share our determination to constructively engage in overcoming challenges. Let me underline the great importance of our common status neutral approach for moving forward on a whole host of concrete matters. We invested great efforts in building up this solid basis for our cooperation.

Regretfully, Kosovo’s ethnic Albanian authorities have not demonstrated enthusiasm to embrace the status neutral framework for dealing with unresolved practical issues.

We believe this reticence does no one any good. All parties have their constraints. But these must not harm those who matter the most, the residents of the province.

Last time we met, I called on everyone to concentrate on improving the lives of citizens, instead of making them victims of our disagreements.

I proposed that we focus on the central humanitarian issue of internally displaced persons. The report before us speaks of the upsetting consequences of a failure to engage on this issue in good faith. A total of only thirty-one of the more than 200,000 Kosovo Serb IDPs were able to return to the province during the reporting period, out of the thousands that expressed a concrete interest to do so in the weeks following our last session in this Council.

Serb IDPs have been informed in writing by various local authorities, that they cannot come back home. This must not be allowed to stand.

The denial of the right of return to Kosovo Serb IDPs took place against the backdrop of tensions in the Northern village of Brdjani. The ethnic Albanian authorities insisted on going ahead with the construction of new, unauthorized settlements. Breaking their agreement with EULEX, they dispatched a special operations police unit called ROSU to support the illegal construction of Kosovo Albanian dwellings in Brdjane, only to pull it back at the last minute under intense pressure from the international community.

In short, while Pristina insists that ethnic Albanians settle in new areas, their local authorities actively prevent Kosovo Serb IDPs from going back to their homes in the South.

Mr. President,

As the report indicates, Pristina called some local elections to be held on November 15^th.

Unfortunately, the legitimacy of the entire electoral process has been lost by the failure to hold them within the status-neutral framework of resolution 1244 (1999). According to the report before us, the SRSG did not call them, the OSCE cannot monitor them, and the UN will not certify them. Under such circumstances, it is simply impossible for Serbia to support them.

The situation is deeply regrettable. An opportunity was missed to de-politicize this vitally important issue. Had a choice been made to work in concert instead of at cross-purposes, perhaps we could have paved the way for a properly incentivized Kosovo Serb community to actively participate in the process.

It is now imperative that we focus our energies on finding a way forward. As has always been the case, we remain in favor of establishing functional decentralization acceptable to the non-Albanian communities directly concerned.

We stand ready to engage through a status neutral organization—the OSCE, for example—to create a legitimate decentralization package designed to succeed.

Mr. President,

In a few days, the Republic of Serbia will celebrate the 65^th anniversary of the liberation of our capital from fascists.

It marked the end of a brutal occupation that had forcefully partitioned our country amongst the Axis and their collaborators, and brought profound misery to our people.

A great number of valiant men and women lost their lives in this triumph over evil. Their heroism will always be remembered. Thanks to their sacrifice, our nation stood up proudly again.

They set in motion what has come to pass now, decades later: the embrace of interdependence, and the conviction that only by working together, in good faith, can we overcome the traumatic consequences of the past.

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My responsibility—like that of every other representative of a UN member State—is to act in the interest of my people and my country.

In the 21^st century, national success cannot come about in isolation. That is why Serbia will continue to engage in the best possible faith with the international community in addressing all outstanding challenges in the Western Balkans. And whilst we remain fundamentally committed to defending our territorial integrity in a peaceful manner, so we are to fulfilling our European destiny. Serbia’s central strategic priority continues to be EU membership.

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At the last General Debate, a great world leader proclaimed: “We are called upon by our times to unite as one and work together for mutual benefit and win-win progress, like passengers in the same boat.”

It is a call which we wholeheartedly support. Serbia is dedicated to solving all differences at the negotiating table, not the battlefield. Enough bullets have been fired in the Balkans. Never again should we descend into the maelstrom of war.

Today, we have an obligation to foster engagement grounded in mutual respect. This will not be easy—for the wounds have not yet healed. But if we take up the challenge of reconciliation and find the courage to act together, then it will be said of this generation that when the need was great and when the odds seemed against us, we did the right thing and brought a lasting peace to our lands, so that our children could live out their dreams.

Thank you, Mr. President, for calling on me to address this Council today.

Respected President and Vice-Presidents of the General Conference,

Director-General Matsuura,

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is an honor to address the 35^th General Conference of UNESCO, and to salute the legacy of our outgoing Director-General, Koichiro Matsuura. We owe him a debt of gratitude for his dedication, his resolve, and his vision.

Our new Director-General-elect is a woman from Southeast Europe who has demonstrated a clear capacity to bridge differences. Her strong leadership will be of great advantage to us all.

With ambassador Bokova at the helm of our Organization, we are confident that UNESCO will confirm strategic ownership over a number of flagship initiatives. We congratulate her, and underline the importance of creating new opportunities for Member States to discuss ways in which we can shape a more dynamic future for this Organization. Such a debate should not only take place in the run-up to selecting a new Director-General.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We give our full consent to the proposed program and budgetary recommendations. The Serbian delegation will contribute to building consensus on these and all other matters before the General Conference, in line with our commitment to responsible global citizenship and activism in UNESCO.

The Republic of Serbia will continue to support UNESCO’s priorities, namely Africa and the promotion of gender equality. As part of our efforts, we will start offering university scholarships to outstanding students from across the developing world. And we will stipulate—as part of the acceptance package—that the beneficiaries must return to their countries of origin, in order to help their societies thrive in the 21^st century.

In our view, the most effective way to synergize the economic, scientific and cultural dimensions of the Organization is for it to embrace a greater number of creative initiatives in the field of education—the ultimate bridge-builder and capacity-multiplier, both for individuals and States.

By working through existing fora, such as the World Education Forum, we propose an innovative, cost-effective program to encourage literacy in the information age.

Serbian schools have already launched a successful pilot project, which aims to combine book-reading with posting profiles of authors through social-networking websites such as “Facebook.” Not only does this project increase the motivation of students to read the classics, but it facilitates learning through information technology. It also creates a virtual discussion environment—a book club of the 21^st-century. Students would exchange ideas and viewpoints, while making new friends from across the world on the internet.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As an indispensable anchor of stability in the Western Balkans, Serbia will continue to play an active, constructive role in deepening regional cooperation. We plan on hosting a UNESCO Southeast Europe Heads of State Summit on Cultural Heritage in 2011.

We hope the occasion will be the capstone in our efforts to activate a UNESCO Southeast Europe Heritage Fund, along the lines of those established in Africa and the Pacific.

As we approach the second decade of the 21^st century, it is important that we deepen efforts to de-politicize culture and heritage, and to condemn the desecration of patrimony wherever it occurs, including in our southern province of Kosovo.

One such recent example is the wholescale pillaging of the largest medieval hermitage complex in the mountains above our ancient capital of Prizren. This unique monastic center was built by the Serbian ascetic Saint Peter of Koriška, and dates back to the early decades of the 13^th century. Born near the city of Peć, the remnants of this local holy man’s accomplishments were looted and violated only a few weeks ago. Frescos were damaged, altars were vandalized, and a network of tunnels was dug by heavy-duty equipment into the solid rock by men seeking gold and treasure. The extent of the material damage is still being documented. What is beyond dispute is that the perpetrators succeeded in debasing our faith, and destroying a part of our patrimony.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

This is unacceptable. We must work together to stop such terrible deeds from being repeated.

We are very grateful for the important work UNESCO has already done in Kosovo to safeguard Serbian culture. By working through this Organization, for instance, donors have been able to target their preservation and reconstruction funds for World Heritage Sites in Danger located in our breakaway province, irrespective of the open question of Kosovo’s future status and the legality of UDI: the unilateral declaration of independence by the province’s ethnic Albanian leadership, currently being adjudicated before the International Court of Justice.

The Serbian Orthodox Church, our Ministry of Culture, and our Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments, have worked hard with UNESCO to ensure that Serbia’s holy sites retain the maximum level of protection.

In this context, let me underline the vital importance that UNESCO’s continuing legitimacy is preserved by its non-partisan, status-neutral position on the Kosovo UDI issue. We believe the way forward is for Member States to work together to protect Serbia’s patrimony in Kosovo, by putting aside their political differences. The only constructive approach is for UN Security Council resolution 1244 (1999) to keep being applied in full by this Organization and its various bodies, including the World Heritage Center and the World Heritage Committee.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Serbia is an outgoing member of the Executive Board. We have had the privilege to serve in a very delicate and sensitive period. I wish to extend my gratitude to all the Member States for placing their confidence in us. I can only hope you share our assessment that we worked hard to promote the noble aims and programs of this Organization. We stand ready to continue playing an active role in other UNESCO bodies and committees; and to further encourage a results-based approach, a more effective evaluation system, and further de-politicization of the Organization.

It has been an honor. Thank you for your attention, and your support.

Excellencies,

Respected Faculty,

Dear Friends,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Director Dehousse, thank you for that kind introduction, and for speaking so highly of the significance of our bilateral ties.

There’s a distinguished list of Frenchmen—such as Victor Hugo, Andre Malraux, Charles de Gaulle and François Mitterand—who have seen something special in Serbia—a proud European nation that has historically looked to this country for support and friendship.

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I was born in our capital Belgrade, one of only five cities to have received the French Republic’s Legion of Honor, in recognition of the unique sacrifice Belgraders made during the First World War.

My great grandfather and his brother—both reserve officers in the Serbian Army—were called to duty at the beginning of the conflict.

Their families were made homeless by enemy bombardments, while they made the long journey of retreat across the mountains to the sea in the winter of 1915, where French ships awaited to take them—together with close to 100,000 other Serbian soldiers—to Corfu to recuperate.

Shortly afterwards, they received an order of transfer to the Salonika Front, where they spent three difficult years fighting alongside their French brothers-in-arms, before participating in the historic offensive led by Marshal Franchet d’Esperet to liberate the Balkans from the occupiers.

Having survived the Great War for the soul of Europe, they were present on the day that d’Esperet conferred France’s greatest honor to their capital. In his journal, my great grandfather wrote, “Were it not for France, I would not live to see this day.”

So having the privilege to speak here, in Paris, is a very personal moment for me—especially given the theme: how to consolidate the Balkans through membership in the European Union, and how restoring our bilateral ties to their deserved place of honor can contribute to the rapid attainment of that strategic goal.

One day, I hope very soon, Serbs and Frenchmen will be together again, this time as representatives in various EU institutions, completing the valiant work begun by our predecessors.

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“Волимо Француску као што је она нас волела”—let us love France as she had loved us. This is the inscription that one can read on our monument of gratitude to the French Republic, located in the heart of Belgrade’s central park, Kalemegdan, and consecrated in 1930. It celebrates the great friendship forged between our two countries, when we stood shoulder-to-shoulder to secure peace for the Old Continent.

This grand endeavor, which means so much to me for the personal reasons I just touched upon, was not the first time our two nations came together. The Franco-Serbian relationship goes back centuries. In a sense, it traces its roots to the mid 13^th century, to the reign of one of Serbia’s longest-ruling kings, Stefan Uroš Nemanjić.

Seeking alliance with Western realms, around the year 1250 King Uroš took as his wife Helène of Anjou—by tradition a cousin of Charles I of Sicily and Naples, and his brother King Louis IX, better known as Saint Louis.

Queen Jelena, as we call her, was a remarkable woman. Her charity work was unsurpassed at the time, especially her devotion to orphans and the poor. She established the first school for underprivileged girls, while founding a number of monasteries—both Catholic, in tribute to her homeland, and Orthodox, in tribute to her new country.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Following the restoration of Serbian statehood in 1804, my country quickly came to embrace the principles of the French Revolution. Like this nation, we began afresh.

I do not mean to equate France with Serbia. Obviously, our historical circumstances were vastly different. My point is that our successful efforts at modernization were largely modeled on those of France. To give but one example: the Napoleonic Code was translated into Serbian, and in 1834 served as the basis of our first Civil Code.

Four years later, our two countries formally established diplomatic relations. Thus began the modern history of Franco-Serbian friendship, rooted in a common adherence to the values of the Enlightenment. Following the 1852 visit by our Foreign Minister to Napoleon III, France and Serbia began to work together on establishing our respective places in the mainstream of 19^th-century European politics.

One could say this was embodied in the person of a future king of Serbia—Peter the First, after whom a street is named in the 16^th arrondissement not too far from here. Educated at Saint Cyr, he fought valiantly on the side of France in 1871, and witnessed the birth of the Third Republic. Upon coming to the throne in 1903, King Peter received the French ambassador, and said: “We meet on behalf of two young countries peopled by two ancient nations. We are very much alike: in temperament, surely, and in ambition; but also in belief that to endure, aspire and succeed constitutes the essence of our identities.”

His example was far from unique. Serbia sent a large number of her best and brightest to France, so as to learn from the wisdom of our friends on how to endure prudently in misfortune, and proceed magnanimously in triumph.

Your country actively encouraged this effort. In 1915, for example, your National Assembly voted to allocate funds to educate a great number of Serbian students. As a result, between the two World Wars, around 30,000 young Serbs received a French university diploma. One of these was Koča Popović, after whom our Diplomatic Academy is named.

A 1932 graduate of the Sorbonne, Koča wrote surrealist poetry in the cafés of Paris before going on to fight on the side of Republican Spain against fascism. Upon his return to Belgrade, he become a founding member of the Partisan movement during the Second World War, and later Foreign Minister of Yugoslavia from 1953 to 1965. Together with his friend and successor as minister, Marko Nikezić—born of a French mother—they helped the country carve a singular position for itself during the Cold War, and personify the golden age of our diplomacy.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As we approach the 20^th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, we must not forget that the strategic objective of bringing together under one roof all the nations of our continent has not yet been achieved. There is still much work to be done before the dream of a whole and united Europe can be fulfilled. Today, despite its incredible accomplishments, the European Union remains incomplete.

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Standing here before you, in the capital of the French Republic—a country that has served as the engine of the new European construction—I want to state clearly that Serbia is fundamentally committed to fulfilling its European destiny.

Let there be no doubt about that. We are a proud European nation whose central strategic priority is the achievement of full and rapid EU membership.

The citizens of Serbia seek a better, more prosperous life for their families and their country, and look forward to making a contribution to the common European interest. We are staunchly devoted to completing the task of reconciliation, and to maximizing the advantages—the moral, political, economic and social advantages—of a joint undertaking endowed with a noble purpose.

This purpose, the purpose of Europe, was first articulated by a Frenchman, Jean Monet, when the Coal and Steel Community was established.

Its grandeur is matched only by its profundity: to keep strengthening the trust necessary to sustain engagement in a long-term enterprise; to aim higher and to be better than previous generations of statesmen; to end the feuds of a thousand years; and to eliminate from the shores of Europe a zero-sum approach to the conduct of politics.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As the indispensable anchor of stability in the Western Balkans, Serbia is proud of what this region has achieved in the first decade of the 21^st-century—following an ignoble period of conflict-induced setbacks—and energized by what it can accomplish in the time to come.

We understand, in a way some of our predecessors did not, that national success cannot come about in isolation. As contemporary European democrats, we celebrate interdependence. And we understand that the success of all is in the common advantage. And that it helps entrench our common European values—like the ones that promote soft power abroad, the rule of law at home, and consensus-making as the norm for decision-making in the various institutions of the Union.

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Starting on January 1^st, 2010, we expect the citizens of Serbia to be able to see for themselves, as never before, the tangible benefits that EU membership will bring, when our country is finally placed on the White Schengen List—enabling anyone with a Serbian passport to enjoy freedom of movement throughout Europe.

We are grateful for France’s clear support on this issue. It will be of immense importance to ordinary citizens. But we mustn’t stop there.

More is required to sustain the momentum for Western Balkans’ EU membership perspective.

In the very near future, we have to start taking concrete steps towards European accession. That’s what we hope to begin achieving once our two countries sign a historic Agreement on Strategic Partnership and Cooperation later this year. The spirit of this text emphasizes the leading role of France in bringing Serbia into the European Union.

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The French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner co-wrote an article with Sweden’s Carl Bildt in Le Figaro last year, in which we read: “it is certain that Serbia will soon be a member of the EU, because there is no alternative. This is in tune with the march of history.”

A vast majority of Serbian citizens have embraced this point of view. Our domestic debate about where we belong is over. Two national elections were held in Serbia last year—one presidential, the other parliamentary. For our country, these were referenda about how to interact with the world of today: our citizens were given a clear choice between two opposite ways forward. And they decided to cast their vote for a European future. Twice.

The on-going debate in some parts of the EU about the imminence of Serbia’s European future should also come to an end. This is not just about making sure diplomatic promises are kept. It is about something much more important: consolidating peace and stability in the Western Balkans—once and for all.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Some have said that after Croatia, a pause should ensue before the process of extending the boundaries of Europe can be resumed.

In my opinion, they could not be more wrong.

Taking a break—confirming the notion of enlargement fatigue—would produce devastating political effects in Serbia and throughout the Western Balkans. The cost to Europe’s credibility in the region would be immeasurable.

It would re-open old wounds, and revive old suspicions. A collective malaise would set in, resulting in accession fatigue. Populists throughout our region could even start saying that Europe is pushing us into the same enlargement boat as Turkey.

This is not the occasion to discuss the pros and cons of Turkish EU membership, but allow me remind you that the Western Balkans were a part of the Ottoman Empire for 500 years. It is part of our collective memory. So I hope you understand that, given the circumstances, our fears about taking a step back into something akin to an ancien régime are not entirely inexplicable.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As I have spoken frankly about the great many issues that bind our two countries to one another, so I will mention one where we regretfully disagree. It concerns UDI—the unilateral declaration of independence by the ethnic-Albanian authorities of Serbia’s southern province of Kosovo and Metohija.

Let me make it clear that Serbia will not recognize Kosovo’s UDI. We will continue to defend our integrity in a non-confrontational manner.

That is why, from the very onset of this grave crisis, Serbia ruled out the use of force. We chose to respond to this attempt at secession with utmost responsibility and restraint.

This strategic decision constitutes a paradigm shift in favor of peace in the Balkans. For the first time in the history of our region, an issue of such fundamental importance and complexity—passionately involving all at once identity, boundaries, communal rights, opposing historical narratives—was steered clear of resorting to the force of arms.

A part of our strategy was to find ways to compartmentalize the issue. On the one hand, to work closely with the UN and the EU on resolving practical matters on the ground in Kosovo—for the benefit of all residents of the province.

On the other hand, to turn to the instruments of peaceful adjudication, by asking the International Court of Justice to rule on whether Kosovo’s UDI is in accordance with international law.

By transferring the UDI issue to the judicial arena, we have demonstrated how we want to manage political differences. In our view, this represents a role model for contemporary conflict resolution—one that could be applied anywhere in the world where the divides are deep, the historical burdens heavy, and the issues involved go to the very heart of defining one’s national identity.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I wish to conclude with a few simple remarks.

I believe we are all entering a period where only results matter—a period of consequence and significant choice, of increasing global interdependence and rising European solidarity.

Moments such as this come along rarely in history. They are either seized or lost, and the effects can reach across decades. The opportunity is here. We must grasp them and nurture them, so that they may grow strong and good.

Come what may, Serbia will remain on track. We will continue to be dedicated to fulfilling the goals we have set for ourselves. And we will work hard on achieving membership in the European Union as soon as possible.

With strategic partners such as France by our side, I am confident that we will succeed.

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Two days from now will mark the 75^th anniversary of the assassination of our King Alexander and your Foreign Minister Louis Barthou by ultranationalists and fascists.

We are duty-bound to commemorate this act of terror by adherents of an ideology that would soon set out to aggressively envelop the world in barbaric darkness—for it helped set in motion events that cost so many millions of lives throughout Europe and across the world.

I will travel to Marseille—the scene of this tragedy—to lay a wreath in a ceremony that itself recalls the sublime profundity of our relations, even in times of grief.

We will have occasion to reflect on the words of Queen Marija, who, upon being informed of her husband’s murder, broke into tears, and said, “My only consolation is to know that he has died in the land of France, the country he loved the most after his own.”

Well, in part due to the great efforts of that generation, the scourge of fascism has been wiped off the face of the earth, the European construction is on the way to completion, and our two nations are about to enter into a new era of strategic partnership and cooperation.

I would like to believe that in a very short time, on many happy occasions to come, my fellow countrymen will be in a position to express the same sentiment as that of our former Queen, in a context that celebrates a common future in Europe, equal opportunity and solidarity for all its inhabitants, and the pursuit of something no generation in living memory has enjoyed without interruption: a calm, dignified life devoted to building a just and prosperous society for all the citizens of Serbia.

Thank you very much for your attention.